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Felix Sockwell
Talking About Fear, Real and Imagined
NYT
31.10.2007
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/31/opinion/l31fear.html


Picture
> Phan Thi Kim
Phuc, center,
with her clothes torn off, flees with other South Vietnamese children
after a misdirected aerial napalm attack on suspected Viet Cong hiding places on
June 8, 1972.
A South Vietnamese plane mistakenly dropped its flaming napalm on South
Vietnamese troops and civilians.
Kim Phuc became a symbol of the civilian suffering of the Vietnam War.
AP Photo/Nick Ut. Version
recadrée.
http://www.nandotimes.com/nt/images/century/photos/century0256.html
1st Cartoon > Garland
The Daily Telegraph 31.5.2006
From L to R: US President George W. Bush, Statue of Liberty,
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
Caricature sans article (sur le site du DT).
2nd Cartoon > Dave Brown
The Independent 23.10.2006.
M: US President George W. Bush + Tony Blair's face on the leaf.


1 -
South
Vietnamese National Police Chief Brig Gen. Nguyen Ngoc Loan
executes a Viet Cong
officer
with a single pistol shot in the head
in Saigon, Vietnam on Feb. 1, 1968.
Carrying a pistol and wearing civilian clothes,
the Vietcong guerrilla was captured near Quang Pagoda,
identified as an officer,
and taken to the police chief.
AP Photo / Eddie Adams
http://www.nandotimes.com/nt/images/century/photos/century0258.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1309850,00.html
http://suntimes.com/output/obituaries/cst-nws-xadams20.html
Cartoon
Dave Brown
The Independent
1.6.2006
2 - US President George W. Bush
Topic: Haditha massacre
Related
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2006-05-27-iraqallegations_x.htm
http://www.usatoday.com/news/opinion/editorials/2006-05-29-haditha_x.htm
http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/9803/16/my.lai/
http://www.cnn.com/US/9803/06/my.lai.ceremony/

Borders to be shut during iraqi poll
The Guardian p.16
19.1.2005
Photo non légendée, non attirbuée
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1393271,00.html

Peter Brookes
The Times
August 9, 2005
From left to right :
Gordon Brown, Tony Blair, John Prescott, Jack Straw, ?.
Background
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/politicsobituaries/story/0,,1544701,00.html

Vic Harville
Little Rock, Arkansas --
Stephens Media Group Cagle
20.7.2006
http://cagle.msnbc.com/politicalcartoons/PCcartoons/harville.asp
war
http://www.nytimes.com/pages/world/worldspecial/index.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1103566,00.html
wartime
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/17/books/17garner.html
during wartime 2009
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/
robert-fiskrsquos-world-a-fair-point-everyone-is-equal-in-their-suffering-during-wartime-1609206.html
warrior
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-franz-ferdinand-sarajevo
conflict
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/09/first-world-war-battle-of-arras
defuse
catastrophe
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-mobilisation
clash of civilizations
military build-up
dove
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1557526,00.html
anti-war protester
anti-Vietnam war rally in Trafalgar Square in London
March 17 1968
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/may/21/1968theyearofrevolt.antiwar
anti-war crusader > Peg Mullen
USA
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/06/us/06mullen.html
anti-war movement
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/antiwar
pacifist
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/aug/09/pacifism-observer-panel
anti-war lobby
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-anti-war-sentiments
Iraq war >
anti-war activist Cindy Sheehan
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-08-11-peace-mom_x.htm
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-08-05-sheehan-crawford_x.htm
cyber war 2008-2009
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/29/us/politics/29cyber.html
http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2009/05/29/us/politics/politics-us-security-cyberspace.html
http://www.reuters.com/article/reutersComService4/idUSL1981632120080319
peacenik
conscientious objection
conscientious objector
http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/nov/08/family-military-first-world-war
hawk
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1557526,00.html
hawkish
war-mongering rhetoric
war poetry 2008
http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/books/poetry/article5090356.ece
militancy
Islamic militant groups
War photographer > Iraq > The Diary of a Shooter > The Documentary
Photography of Zoriah
http://www.diariesofashooter.com/stories.html
http://zoriah.com/archivemainpage.html
War photographer > Iraq > Stefan Zaklin
http://homepage.mac.com/szaklin/Menu2.html
War photographer > Peter Turnley > The Unseen Gulf War
1990-1991
http://www.digitaljournalist.org/issue0212/pt_intro.html
http://www.digitaljournalist.org/issue0212/pt01.html
anti-war war photographer > Philip Jones Griffiths
1936-2008
http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2008/mar/24/photography.usa

Gerald Scarfe
The Sunday Times
13 December 2009
Tony Blair, former Prime Minister.
Iraq war
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/iraq
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/28/washington/28troops.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/27/us/politics/27obama-text.html
http://www.reuters.com/article/newsOne/idUSTRE51P0AY20090227
http://www.usatoday.com/news/military/2009-02-26-marine_N.htm
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/feb/27/obama-iraq-war-end-august-2010
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2008/dec/18/uk-troop-withdrawal-iraq-brown
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2008/dec/17/iraq-agreement-brown-maliki
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/a-moment-for-truth-as-britain-exits-iraq-1202312.html
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/
without-fanfare-or-much-thanks-britain-departs-from-iraq-1202313.html
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/
patrick-cockburn-our-troops-had-few-friends-in-basra-1202314.html
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/
matthew-norman/matthew-norman-nobody-threw-shoes-at-brown-ndash-but-his-guilt-is-still-undeniable-1202268.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/0,2759,423009,00.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/23/opinion/23trans.html
Timeline: Iraq 2003-2009
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2009/jul/30/iraq-timeline-2003-2009
Politics and Iraq
http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/iraq
US military presence in Iraq
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2009/feb/27/iraq-us-troops
US casualties in Iraq
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2008-03-13-iraq-casualties_N.htm
Inside the surge: the provinces, Iraq
2009
award-winning Guardian photographer Sean Smith
spent almost two months embedded
with US forces in Iraq.
This film shows that despite President Bush's claims of increased Iraqi
cooperation in Anbar,
there is still great fear and hostility against US troops
http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/video/2007/sep/10/iraq.sean.smith
'shock and awe'
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2009/feb/27/iraq-us-troops
Reuters > Special report > Iraq war
http://www.reuters.com/news/globalcoverage/iraq
Iraq war > five years in Iraq > Cagle cartoons
2008
http://www.cagle.com/news/Iraq5Years/main.asp
Iraq war > five years on
2008
http://iraq.reuters.com/
http://www.reuters.com/article/topNews/idUSN1929611920080319
http://www.reuters.com/news/video?videoId=78455&newsChannel=topNews
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120592985052048279.html
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120593326652748375.html
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120588186774146747.html
http://blogs.wsj.com/iraq/
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2008-03-19-war-protests_N.htm
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2008/03/18/world/middleeast/20080319_IRAQWAR_TIMELINE.html#tab1
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/16/weekinreview/16jburns.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/18/opinion/l18iraq.html
Iraq war > David Kelly
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/kelly/0,,1002607,00.html
Iraq war > The Hutton Report
http://www.guardian.co.uk/hutton/0,,1021216,00.html
Saddam Hussein is executed
Saturday 30 December 2006
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/dec/30/iraq.topstories3?DCMP=EMC-thewrap08
beheading of Nick Berg
2004
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/may/12/iraq.alqaida?DCMP=EMC-thewrap08
Saddam Hussein is captured
Sunday 14 December 2003
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/dec/14/iraq.iraq1?DCMP=EMC-thewrap08
New York Times > Select Editorials on Iraq
http://topics.nytimes.com/topics/opinion/series/editorials_on_iraq/index.html
Afghanistan
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/afghanistan
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/afghanistan/index.html
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2009/11/afghanistan_november_2009.html
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2009/09/afghanistan_september_2009.html
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2009/07/in_afghanistan_part_one.html
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2009/07/in_afghanistan_part_two.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2009/jun/24/british-soldiers-taliban-afghanistan
http://image.guardian.co.uk/sys-files/Guardian/documents/2009/06/11/CSIS_AfPakWar_Status2009.pdf
http://www.guardian.co.uk/afghanistan/0,,548335,00.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/23/opinion/23trans.html
Obama's Address on the New Strategy in Afghanistan and Pakistan
Interactive video and transcript
of President Obama’s speechat the United States Military Academy
December 2009
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2009/12/02/world/middleeast/20091202-obama-policy.html#
The Taliban, a Sunni Islamist group
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/t/taliban/index.html
Six months in
Afghanistan
Photojournalist John D McHugh reports for the Guardian
2008
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/sixmonthsinafghanistan
Timeline >
Afghanistan: 2001-2008 - A chronology
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/08/afghanistantimeline.afghanistan
Afghanistan >
America's forgotten war
Photojournalist John D McHugh on the US's other war
2007-2008
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2008/apr/22/fightingseason
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/30/sixmonthsinafghanistan.afghanistan
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/gallery/2008/apr/28/afghanistan.photography?picture=333745896
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/28/afghanistan.sixmonthsinafghanistan
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/28/afghanistan.sixmonthsinafghanistan1
U.S. troops in
Afghanistan > Subduing the Korengal Valley
2008
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/24/magazine/24afghanistan-t.html
U.S. troops in Afghanistan > the U.S. 10th Mountain Division
http://www.guardian.co.uk/flash/0,,1986485,00.html
British troops in Afghanistan
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2211294,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-2294063,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/flash/0,,1698844,00.html
Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire
http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2009/dec/03/question-time-afghanistan-wootton-basset
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2009/nov/20/wootton-bassett-100th-repatriation-soldiers
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2009/jul/10/soldiers-deaths-afghanistan-wootton
US Medevac
helicopter
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/video/2008/sep/08/sixmonthsinafghanistan.afghanistan
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2008/sep/04/sixmonthsinafghanistan.afghanistan
New York Times > Select Editorials on Afghanistan
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/opinion/series/select-editorials-on-afghanistan/index.html
Boston Globe > Big Picture > Afghanistan, February, 2010 > February 26, 2010
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2010/02/afghanistan_february_2010.html
Boston Globe > Big Picture > Afghanistan, January, 2010 > January 29, 2010
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2010/01/afghanistan_january_2010.html
Boston Globe > Big Picture > Afghanistan, October, 2009 October
26, 2009
http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2009/10/afghanistan_october_2009.html
Vietnam war
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/vietnam/
http://topics.nytimes.com/topics/reference/timestopics/subjects/v/vietnam_war/index.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1726840,00.html
World War II 1939-1945
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/0,,1085469,00.html
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwtwo/
http://www.archives.gov/research/ww2/

Description: Australian infantry wearing Small Box
Respirators (SBR).
The soldiers are from the 45th Battalion, Australian 4th
Division
at Garter Point, Ypres sector,
27 September 1917.
Source: Australian War Memorial catalogue number E00825.
Date: 27 September 1917
Author: Photo by Captain Frank Hurley.
Wikipedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Australian_infantry_small_box_respirators_Ypres_1917.jpg
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I
World War I / The Great War 1914-1918
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/armistice-day-the-great-war-and-the-words-we-mustnt-forget-1818092.html
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/armistice-90-years-on-all-those-pals-of-mine-should-be-here-1012492.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/nov/09/armistice-day-first-world-war
http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/nov/08/family-military-first-world-war
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-mobilisation
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-anti-war-sentiments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2008/nov/05/poetry-andrewmotion
http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/features/
band-of-brothers-a-tale-of-war-loss-and-remembrance-on-the-killing-fields-of-france-994636.html
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/the-killing-fields-of-the-first-world-war-979730.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/aug/24/firstworldwar.military
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-anti-war-sentiments
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-franz-ferdinand-sarajevo
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2007-03-27-cover-ww1-vet_N.htm
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/08/first-world-war-anti-war-sentiments
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/special_report/1998/10/98/world_war_i/197437.stm
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwone/
http://www.bbc.co.uk/schools/worldwarone/
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/FWW.htm
http://www.pbs.org/greatwar/
World War I / The Great War > trenches
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/09/first-world-war-western-front
http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2008/nov/05/poetry-andrewmotion
World War I / The Great War > Armistice Day
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/nov/09/armistice-day-first-world-war
World War I / The Great War > poppy
world war
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,12269,1465040,00.html
third world war
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/newt_gingrich/2006/07/the_third_world_war_has_begun.html
warfare
hybrid warfare
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/23/world/americas/23military.html
urban warfare
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/09/international/middleeast/09scene.html
urban guerilla warfare
germ warfare
sectarian warfare
tribal warfare
wartime
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/14/us/14topus.html
warlord
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/23/world/asia/23taliban.html
warmaker
http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1551801,00.html
war crime
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1876151,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-2365393,00.html
war criminal
war opponents
http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2007-01-27-iraq-protest_x.htm
war zone
buffer zone
war-torn country
in war-torn south
Sudan
on (a)
war footing
http://www.guardian.co.uk/wtccrash/story/0,1300,550526,00.html
cold war
http://film.guardian.co.uk/News_Story/Guardian/0,4029,1108424,00.html
war grave
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,,1888850,00.html
war chest
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,,2006353,00.html
WW1
> War poetry > Wilfred Owen 1893-1918
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/travel/holiday_type/history_and_travel/article5108619.ece
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/09/wilfred-owen-dulce-decorum
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,,1945883,00.html
WW1
> War poetry > Ivor Gurney 1890-1937
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/09/ivor-gurney-on-somme
WW1
> War poetry > John McCrae 1872-1918
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/09/john-mccrae-flanders-fields
WW1
> Wartime Artist > Len Smith
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/gallery/2008/oct/07/firstworldwar?picture=338366191
wage war
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/29/us/politics/29cyber.html
rage
rage on
intensify
all-out war
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,251-2279462,00.html
urban
guerrilla war
Gulf
war illnesses
http://www.guardian.co.uk/military/story/0,11816,1238167,00.html
trade war
holy war
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/15/world/middleeast/15mideast.html?hp
civil war / full-blown civil war
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2008/nov/14/monarchy-television
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1989397,00.html
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-08-03-pentagon-congress_x.htm
strife
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-08-03-pentagon-congress_x.htm
violence
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2006-12-18-iraq-violence_x.htm
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,7374-2459633,00.html
sectarian violence
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-08-03-pentagon-congress_x.htm
sectarian bloodshed
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1838792,00.html
on the verge of civil war
on the brink of war
war games
war-game
go
to war
go it alone
war
planner
victory
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2006-11-19-kissinger-britain_x.htm
conflict
violence
upsurge of violence
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-2186240,00.html
skyrocketing violence
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2006-10-21-iraq_x.htm
strategy
http://www.usatoday.com/news/military/2007-12-18-iraqstrategy_N.htm
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-12-23-gates-bush_x.htm
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-10-20-bush-iraq_x.htm
war planning strategy
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/23/world/americas/23military.html
tactics
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2089-2415612,00.html
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-10-21-bush-iraq_x.htm
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1769836,00.html
front
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/09/western-front-battles-timeline
http://www.guardian.co.uk/afghanistan/story/0,,1951325,00.html
frontline
state
of emergency
descend into mob rule
strife
strife-torn countries
horror
http://www.guardian.co.uk/military/story/0,,2028735,00.html
wreak /
provoke havoc
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,1246976,00.html
take
hostages
human shield
militia
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2006-10-20-shia-militias_x.htm
disband

Private Eye
c. 2004

copié
c. 2004
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/
russia/chechnya/children/2.html

The Guardian p. 1
18.10.2004
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,1329814,00.html

Philip Guston
Bombardment 1937-8
Private collection
http://www.royalacademy.org.uk/?lid=1020
spy
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article6723799.ece
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2087-1869844,00.html
spymasters
Cambridge spy ring
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article6723799.ece
http://archive.timesonline.co.uk/tol/viewArticle.arc?
articleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1979-11-21-01-001&pageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1979-11-21-01
http://archive.timesonline.co.uk/tol/viewArticle.arc?
articleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1979-11-16-13-002&pageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1979-11-16-13
spy on
spy
satellite
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-2389183,00.html
men of the underground
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1716505,00.html
traitor
http://archive.timesonline.co.uk/tol/viewArticle.arc?
articleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1979-11-16-13-002&pageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1979-11-16-13
Top Secret
classify
declassify
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-09-26-bush-afghanistan_x.htm
eavesdropping
snooping
wiretaps
surveillance
National Security Agency NSA
USA http://www.nsa.gov/
Big Brother
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Orwell
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/25/weekinreview/25bamford.html
third man
http://books.guardian.co.uk/news/articles/0,6109,1345570,00.html
pass on information
chatter
intelligence
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-09-26-bush-afghanistan_x.htm
Intelligence services
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2087-1938212,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,23729-1739731,00.html
MI5 http://www.mi5.gov.uk/output/Page7.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2087-1697562,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,22989-1711093,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,22989-1699405,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,22989-1698544,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2-1176423,00.html
MI6 http://www.mi6.gov.uk/output/Page79.html
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,6903,1664612,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,7374-1922824,00.html
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2087-1533385,00.html
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/iraq/story/0,12239,992693,00.html
GCHQ, the government eavesdropping centre
http://www.gchq.gov.uk/
Joint Intelligence Committee JIC
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UK_Joint_Intelligence_Committee
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,1454998,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/butler/story/0,14750,1261259,00.html
http://www.danplesch.net/articles/2004-07-16-The-Guardian-1-0,,1262585,00.html
military intelligence
military intelligence agent
mole
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/homeaffairs/story/0,,2240016,00.html
undercover agent
betray
WW1 / WW2
WW2
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1551567,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/archive/0,14058,1085470,00.html
http://century.guardian.co.uk/1930-1939/0,6052,96016,00.html
http://century.guardian.co.uk/1940-1949/0,6052,96017,00.html
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=
/news/exclusions/uffvedayhome.xml&sSheet=/portal/2005/08/21/ixportal.html
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/2WW.htm
http://www.war-experience.org/
http://www.iwm.org.uk/
VJ Day / Victory over Japan Day 15
August 1945
http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/august/15/newsid_3581000/3581971.stm
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2005/08/20050830-1.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,,1553818,00.html
VE Day / Victory in Europe Day 8 May 1945
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/war/wwtwo/veday_germany_01.shtml
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/2WWveday.htm
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/veday/0,15989,1473337,00.html
Squadron Leader Eric Foster
1903-2006
http://www.guardian.co.uk/obituaries/story/0,,1771946,00.html
nazi
the Nazis
prison camp
barbed wire
WW2 >
nazi concentration camps
http://www.evidenceincamera.co.uk/
Auschwitz: the Nazis and the Final Solution
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1400598,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/holocaust/0,15699,1388901,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1386675,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,12269,1400038,00.html
Buchenwald
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,12269,1400038,00.html
Belsen
http://www.guardian.co.uk/germany/article/0,2763,1458977,00.html
the Holocaust
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/holocaust/0,,1388901,00.html
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2006-11-19-holocaust-papers_x.htm
Anne Frank
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2006-11-25-holocaust-archive_x.htm
genocide
gas chamber
be gassed
scream
crematorium
WW2 > D-Day / June 6 1944
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1226533,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/0,14058,1085469,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/archive/0,14058,1085470,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1226579,00.html
http://www.iwm.org.uk/dday/
http://search.eb.com/normandy/
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/dday/
http://www.ddaymuseum.org/
http://www.ddaymuseum.co.uk/
http://magma.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0206/feature1/
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1227981,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1223690,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1218915,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/story/0,14058,1218910,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/gall/0,8542,1229026,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/dday/0,14564,1216111,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/flash/0,5860,1183628,00.html
WW2 > D-Day / June 6 1944 > the Guardian > Special report >
D-Day
http://www.guardian.co.uk/secondworldwar/dday/0,,1216111,00.html
Colossus Mk 2
Lorenz code
Navajo code talker
http://www.guardian.co.uk/obituaries/story/0,3604,1367771,00.html
indecipherable
The
art of war
http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/theartofwar/
propaganda
Psy Ops
http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/world/international-us-afghan-nato.html
enemy propaganda
Imperial War Museum, London
http://www.iwm.org.uk/
http://london.iwm.org.uk/
http://www.iwmcollections.org.uk/
Tyne Cot Cemetery
"Tyne Cot cemetery is situated to northwest of
the Belgian town of Ypres. Tyne Cot is the biggest of the British war graves cemeteries.
It contains nearly 12,000 graves and has a memorial to over 35,000 men who are recorded as missing and have no known grave."
http://www.firstworldwar.com/today/tynecot.htm
http://www.greatwar.co.uk/westfront/ypsalient/cemeteries/tynecot.htm

U.S. President George W. Bush in Baghdad
Thanksgiving - 2003
- AP

Steve Bell
The Guardian
4.11.2003
http://www.guardian.co.uk/cartoons/archive/stevebell/0,7371,337764,00.html
President George W. Bush

Steve Bell
The Guardian
3.9.2003
http://www.guardian.co.uk/cartoons/stevebell/0,7371,1034687,00.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,1034488,00.html
President George W. Bush
Pentagon to Outline Shift in War Planning Strategy
June 23, 2009
The New York Times
By THOM SHANKER
WASHINGTON — The Pentagon will adopt a new strategy that for the first time
orders the military to anticipate that future conflicts will include a complex
mix of conventional, set-piece battles and campaigns against shadowy insurgents
and terrorists, according to senior officials.
The shift is intended to assure that the military is prepared to deal with a
spectrum of possible threats, including computer network attacks, attempts to
blind satellite positioning systems, strikes by precision missiles and roadside
bombs, and propaganda campaigns waged on television and the Internet. The new
strategy has broad implications for training, troop deployment, weapons
procurement and other aspects of military planning.
In officially embracing hybrid warfare, the Pentagon would be replacing a second
pillar of long-term planning. Senior officials disclosed in March that the
review was likely to reject a historic premise of American strategy — that the
nation need only to prepare to fight two major wars at a time.
Driving both sets of developments are lessons learned from the past six years,
when the United States has been fighting two wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, yet
is stretched to be ready for potentially significant operations elsewhere,
Pentagon officials say, such as against Iran, North Korea or even China and
Russia. Conflicts with any of those countries would also be expected to present
a hybrid range of challenges.
But powerful constituencies in the military and in Congress continue to argue
that the next war will not look like Iraq or Afghanistan, and they say the
military is focusing too much on counter-insurgency and losing its ability to
defeat a traditional nation-state.
Even so, senior officials say hybrid warfare will be adopted as a central
premise of military planning in the top-to-bottom review required every four
years by Congress. When completed later this year, the assessment, officially
called the Quadrennial Defense Review, will determine how billions of dollars
are spent on weapons and influence how the military reshapes its training.
During a Pentagon news conference last week, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates
said of the new strategy, “It derives from my view that the old way of looking
at irregular warfare as being one kind of conflict and conventional warfare as a
discreet kind of warfare is an outdated concept. Conflict in the future will
slide up and down a scale, both in scope or scale and in lethality.”
Even before the review is complete, the new thinking has claimed high-dollar
victims.
Mr. Gates proposed ending production of the Air Force’s top-of-the-line F-22
fighter jets, arguing that money should be spent on warplanes that carry out a
broader array of missions, from countering enemy air forces to evading
surface-to-air missiles to bombing insurgent militias in hiding.
But supporters of the F-22 in Congress are pushing for financing to keep the
production line open, potentially setting up a veto battle.
The defense secretary also put on hold a multibillion-dollar program for the
Army’s next-generation armored vehicle, saying its proposed flat-bottom design
ignored lessons that angular troop transports are safer from roadside bombs,
which have been the biggest killer of troops in Iraq.
In preparing to adopt concepts of hybrid warfare, the Defense Department has
closely studied Israel’s last war in Lebanon in 2006, when a terrorist group,
Hezbollah, fielded high-tech weapons equal to any nation’s, including long-range
missiles. Likewise, when a traditional military power like Russia went to war
with the former Soviet republic of Georgia last August, its tanks, paratroopers
and warships were preceded by crippling computer network attacks.
The previous Pentagon strategy review focused on a four-square chart that
described security challenges to the nation as perceived then. It included
traditional, conventional conflicts; irregular warfare, such as terrorism and
insurgencies; catastrophic challenges from unconventional weapons used by
terrorists or rogue states; and disruptive threats, in which new technologies
could counter American advantages.
“The ‘quad chart’ was useful in its time,” said Michele A. Flournoy, the under
secretary of defense for policy, who is leading the strategy review for Mr.
Gates.
“But we aren’t using it as a point of reference or departure,” she said in an
interview. “I think hybrid will be the defining character. The traditional, neat
categories — those are types that really don’t match reality any more.”
The nation’s top military officers are reviewing their procurement programs and
personnel policies to adapt to the new environment, focusing in particular on
weapons systems that can perform multiple missions.
“When I send a carrier strike group forward, or when I send an amphibious ready
group forward with a Marine Expeditionary Unit on board, I don’t know what they
are going to end up doing,” said Adm. Gary Roughead, the chief of naval
operations. “Therefore, the way that we view our training, the way that we view
our capabilities, has to be packaged for this range of actions.”
He cited the experience of the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln, which was
steaming toward Iraq to carry out combat missions when it was diverted to become
the American headquarters for tsunami relief in Indonesia. Both Admiral Roughead
and Gen. Norton A. Schwartz, the Air Force chief of staff, said in interviews
that they had adopted goals of making certain each weapon system could “stretch”
across a spectrum of operations, proving value in traditional and irregular
warfare.
General Schwartz cited Air Force decisions to place surveillance systems on its
long-range bombers and tactical warplanes to make each a provider of valuable
battlefield intelligence, as well as maintaining strike capabilities.
“This is the kind of thing we are talking about, where we avoid point-mission
platforms and look for versatility,” General Schwartz said. “Multipurpose
platforms are inherently more affordable.”
For the ground forces, the goal is an ability to sustain 10 combat brigades
abroad at all times, with 10 more in reserve and nearly ready to go as they
complete training. This eventually would allow active duty troops to spend three
years at home for every year deployed.
Gen. George W. Casey Jr., the Army chief of staff, when asked to define the
Army’s goals in the review, said: “The most significant thing I’d like to get is
an acceptance of that rotational model.”
Pentagon to Outline
Shift in War Planning Strategy, NYT, 23.6.2009,
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/23/world/americas/23military.html?hpw
Cyberwar
Privacy May Be a Victim in Cyberdefense Plan
June 13, 2009
The New York Times
By THOM SHANKER and DAVID E. SANGER
WASHINGTON — A plan to create a new Pentagon cybercommand is raising
significant privacy and diplomatic concerns, as the Obama administration moves
ahead on efforts to protect the nation from cyberattack and to prepare for
possible offensive operations against adversaries’ computer networks.
President Obama has said that the new cyberdefense strategy he unveiled last
month will provide protections for personal privacy and civil liberties. But
senior Pentagon and military officials say that Mr. Obama’s assurances may be
challenging to guarantee in practice, particularly in trying to monitor the
thousands of daily attacks on security systems in the United States that have
set off a race to develop better cyberweapons.
Much of the new military command’s work is expected to be carried out by the
National Security Agency, whose role in intercepting the domestic end of
international calls and e-mail messages after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, under
secret orders issued by the Bush administration, has already generated intense
controversy.
There is simply no way, the officials say, to effectively conduct computer
operations without entering networks inside the United States, where the
military is prohibited from operating, or traveling electronic paths through
countries that are not themselves American targets.
The cybersecurity effort, Mr. Obama said at the White House last month, “will
not — I repeat, will not — include monitoring private sector networks or
Internet traffic.”
But foreign adversaries often mount their attacks through computer network hubs
inside the United States, and military officials and outside experts say that
threat confronts the Pentagon and the administration with difficult questions.
Military officials say there may be a need to intercept and examine some e-mail
messages sent from other countries to guard against computer viruses or
potential terrorist action. Advocates say the process could ultimately be
accepted as the digital equivalent of customs inspections, in which passengers
arriving from overseas consent to have their luggage opened for security, tax
and health reasons.
“The government is in a quandary,” said Maren Leed, a defense expert at the
bipartisan Center for Strategic and International Studies who was a Pentagon
special assistant on cyberoperations from 2005 to 2008.
Ms. Leed said a broad debate was needed “about what constitutes an intrusion
that violates privacy and, at the other extreme, what is an intrusion that may
be acceptable in the face of an act of war.”
In a recent speech, Gen. James E. Cartwright, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff and a chief architect of the new cyberstrategy, acknowledged that a
major unresolved issue was how the military — which would include the National
Security Agency, where much of the cyberwar expertise resides — could legally
set up an early warning system.
Unlike a missile attack, which would show up on the Pentagon’s screens long
before reaching American territory, a cyberattack may be visible only after it
has been launched in the United States.
“How do you understand sovereignty in the cyberdomain?” General Cartwright
asked. “It doesn’t tend to pay a lot of attention to geographic boundaries.”
For example, the daily attacks on the Pentagon’s own computer systems, or probes
sent from Russia, China and Eastern Europe seeking chinks in the computer
systems of corporations and financial institutions, are rarely seen before their
effect is felt inside the United States.
Some administration officials have begun to discuss whether laws or regulations
must be changed to allow law enforcement, the military or intelligence agencies
greater access to networks or Internet providers when significant evidence of a
national security threat was found.
Ms. Leed said that while the Defense Department and related intelligence
agencies were the only organizations that had the ability to protect against
such cyberattacks, “they are not the best suited, from a civil liberties
perspective, to take on that responsibility.”
Under plans being completed at the Pentagon, the new cybercommand will be run by
a four-star general, much the way Gen. David H. Petraeus runs the wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq from Central Command in Tampa, Fla. But the expectation is
that whoever is in charge of the new command will also direct the National
Security Agency, an effort to solve the turf war between the spy agency and the
military over who is in charge of conducting offensive operations.
While the N.S.A.’s job is chiefly one of detection and monitoring, the agency
also possesses what Michael D. McConnell, the former director of national
intelligence, called “the critical skill set” to respond quickly to
cyberattacks. Yet the Defense Department views cyberspace as its domain as well,
a new battleground after land, sea, air and space.
The complications are not limited to privacy concerns. The Pentagon is
increasingly worried about the diplomatic ramifications of being forced to use
the computer networks of many other nations while carrying out digital missions
— the computer equivalent of the Vietnam War’s spilling over the Cambodian
border in the 1960s. To battle Russian hackers, for example, it might be
necessary to act through the virtual cyberterritory of Britain or Germany or any
country where the attack was routed.
General Cartwright said military planners were trying to write rules of
engagement for scenarios in which a cyberattack was launched from a neutral
country that might have no idea what was going on. But, with time of the
essence, it may not be possible, the scenarios show, to ask other nations to act
against an attack that is flowing through their computers in milliseconds.
“If I pass through your country, do I have to talk to the ambassador?” General
Cartwright said. “It is very difficult. Those are the questions that are now
really starting to emerge vis-à-vis cyber.”
Frida Berrigan, a longtime peace activist who is a senior program associate at
the New America Foundation’s arms and security initiative, expressed concerns
about whether the Obama administration would be able to balance its promise to
respect privacy in cyberspace even as it appeared to be militarizing
cybersecurity.
“Obama was very deliberate in saying that the U.S. military and the U.S.
government would not be looking at our e-mail and not tracking what we do
online,” Ms. Berrigan said. “This is not to say there is not a cyberthreat out
there or that cyberterrorism is not a significant concern. We should be vigilant
and creative. But once again we see the Pentagon being put at the heart of it
and at front lines of offering a solution.”
Ms. Berrigan said that just as the counterinsurgency wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan had proved that “there is no front line anymore, and no
demilitarized zone anymore, then if the Pentagon and the military services see
cyberspace as a battlefield domain, then the lines protecting privacy and our
civil liberties get blurred very, very quickly.”
Privacy May Be a Victim
in Cyberdefense Plan, NYT, 13.6.2009,
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/13/us/politics/13cyber.html?hp
Pentagon Cyber Command to Create Force for Future
May 5, 2009
Filed at 4:08 a.m. ET
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The New York Times
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The U.S. military must reorganize its offensive and
defensive cyber operations and will use a new command at a Maryland Army
facility to create a digital warfare force for the future, the director of the
National Security Agency says.
Lt. Gen. Keith Alexander, also the Pentagon's leading cyber warfare commander,
said the U.S. is determined to lead the global effort to use computer technology
to deter or defeat enemies, while still protecting the public's constitutional
rights.
In testimony prepared for delivery Tuesday to a House Armed Services
subcommittee, Alexander and other military leaders in cyber matters outlined the
challenges to keeping up with rapidly changing technologies and the need for
more resources and training. In blunt comments, Alexander acknowledged that
cyber training for the Pentagon's work force is inadequate and must be improved.
In separate prepared testimony, Lt. Gen. William Shelton, the Air Force's chief
of warfighting integration, said the Pentagon relies heavily on industry efforts
to respond to cyber threats. That approach, he said, does not keep pace with the
threat.
The testimony comes as the Obama administration prepares to release its review
of the nation's cybersecurity, and on the heels of a critical report by the
National Research Council. The independent group's report concluded that the
government's policies on how and when to wage cyber warfare are ill-formed, lack
adequate oversight and require a broad public debate.
Alexander said the military's new cyber command at Fort Meade, Md., will be a
sub-unit of U.S. Strategic Command, and would be designed to ''defend vital
networks and project power in cyberspace.''
Defense Department networks are probed repeatedly every day and the number of
intrusion attempts have more than doubled recently, officials have said.
Military leaders said earlier this month that the Pentagon spent more than $100
million in the past six months responding to and repairing damage from cyber
attacks and other computer network problems.
------
On the Net:
Defense Department:
http://www.defenselink.mil
Pentagon Cyber Command
to Create Force for Future, NYT, 5.5.2009,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2009/05/05/us/politics/AP-US-Cyber-Warfare.html
Images, the Law and War
May 17, 2009
The New York Times
By ADAM LIPTAK
WASHINGTON — It was a hypothetical question in a Supreme Court argument, and
it was posed almost 40 years ago. But it managed to anticipate and in some ways
to answer President Obama’s argument for withholding photographs showing the
abuse of prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan.
What if, Justice Potter Stewart asked a lawyer for The New York Times in the
Pentagon Papers case in 1971, a disclosure of sensitive information in wartime
“would result in the sentencing to death of 100 young men whose only offense had
been that they were 19 years old and had low draft numbers?” The Times’s lawyer,
Alexander M. Bickel, tried to duck the question, but the justice pressed him:
“You would say that the Constitution requires that it be published and that
these men die?”
Mr. Bickel yielded, to the consternation of allies in the case. “I’m afraid,” he
said, “that my inclinations of humanity overcome the somewhat more abstract
devotion to the First Amendment.”
And there it was: an issue as old as democracy in wartime, and as fresh as the
latest dispute over pictures showing abuse of prisoners in the 21st century. How
much potential harm justifies suppressing facts, whether from My Lai or Iraq,
that might help the public judge the way a war is waged in its name?
The exchange also contained more than a hint of the court’s eventual calculus:
The asserted harm can’t be vague or speculative; it must be immediate and
concrete. It must be the sort of cost that gives a First Amendment lawyer pause.
As it happened, Mr. Bickel’s response outraged the American Civil Liberties
Union and other allies of the newspaper in the Pentagon Papers case, which
concerned the Nixon administration’s attempt to prevent publication of a secret
history of the Vietnam War. They disavowed Mr. Bickel’s answer and said the
correct response was, “painfully but simply,” that free people are entitled to
evaluate evidence concerning the government’s conduct for themselves.
Which is a good summary of the interest on the other side: Scrutiny of abuses by
the government enhances democracy because it promotes accountability and prompts
reform.
Justice William O. Douglas, in a 1972 dissent in a case about Congressional
immunity, described his view of the basic dynamic. “As has been revealed by such
exposés as the Pentagon Papers, the My Lai massacres, the Gulf of Tonkin
‘incident,’ and the Bay of Pigs invasion,” he wrote, “the government usually
suppresses damaging news but highlights favorable news.”
Indeed, the Nixon administration successfully opposed the use of the Freedom of
Information Act to obtain the release of documents and photographs concerning
the killings of hundreds of South Vietnamese civilians in 1968 at My Lai. (The
decision led Congress to broaden that law.)
Disclosure of abuses can also provoke a backlash. The indelible images that
emerged from the Vietnam War helped turn the nation against the war, and may
have steeled America’s enemies. And earlier photographs of abuse at the Abu
Ghraib prison in Iraq were used for propaganda and recruitment by insurgents
there.
How, then, to apply the lessons of history and law to the possible disclosure of
additional images of prisoner mistreatment by Americans in the current wars?
On Wednesday, when Mr. Obama announced that the government was withdrawing from
an agreement to comply with court orders requiring release of the images, he
said there was little to learn from them and much to fear. But he offered
speculation on both sides of the balance.
“The publication of these photos would not add any additional benefit to our
understanding of what was carried out in the past by a small number of
individuals,” he said. “In fact, the most direct consequence of releasing them,
I believe, would be to further inflame anti-American opinion and to put our
troops in greater danger.”
The first assertion, which the Bush administration also made, is not universally
accepted. In a 2005 decision ordering the release of the images, Judge Alvin K.
Hellerstein of the Federal District Court in Manhattan said they may provide
insights into whether the abuses shown were indeed isolated and unauthorized.
And the claim that harm would follow disclosure — that terrorists, for example,
would exact revenge — is hard to measure or prove. “The terrorists in Iraq and
Afghanistan do not need pretexts for their barbarism,” Judge Hellerstein wrote.
In the Pentagon Papers case, too, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of
publication, saying, in essence, that speculation about potential harm was not
sufficient.
There are, of course, profound differences between the two cases. One concerned
the constitutionality of a prior restraint against publishing information
already in the hands of the press; the other is about whether civil rights
groups are entitled to obtain materials under the Freedom of Information Act.
But both involve contentions that serious harm would follow from publication.
Justice Stewart’s answer, in his concurrence in the 6-to-3 decision, was that
assertions are not enough. “I cannot say,” he wrote, that disclosure “will
surely result in direct, immediate and irreparable damage to our nation or its
people.” In other contexts, too, the Supreme Court has endorsed limits on speech
only when it would cause immediate and almost certain harm to identifiable
people. More general and diffuse consequences have not done the trick.
In 1949, for instance, the court overturned the disorderly conduct conviction of
a Chicago priest whose anti-Semitic speech at a rally had provoked a hostile
crowd to riot. Free speech, Justice Douglas wrote, “may indeed best serve its
high purpose when it induces a condition of unrest, creates dissatisfaction with
conditions as they are or even stirs people to anger.”
Fear of violence, however, was enough to persuade many people that publication
of cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad should be discouraged or forbidden.
Andrew C. McCarthy, a former federal prosecutor who has handled terrorism cases,
said the only prudent course in the current case is to withhold the images. “If
you’re in a war that’s been authorized by Congress, it should be an imperative
to win the war,” he said. “If you have photos that could harm the war effort,
you should delay release of the photos.”
But Jameel Jaffer, a lawyer with the civil liberties union, said history favored
disclosure, citing the 2004 photographs from Abu Ghraib and the 1991 video of
police beating Rodney King in Los Angeles.
But the touchstone remains the Pentagon papers case. It not only framed the
issues, but also created a real-world experiment in consequences.
The government had argued, in general terms, that publication of the papers
would cost American soldiers their lives. The papers were published. What
happened?
David Rudenstine, the dean of the Cardozo Law School and author of “The Day the
Presses Stopped,” a history of the case, said he investigated the aftermath with
an open mind.
“I couldn’t find any evidence whatsoever from any responsible government
official,” he said, “that there was any harm.”
Images, the Law and War,
NYT, 17.5.2009,
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/17/weekinreview/17liptak.html?ref=opinion
Op-Ed Columnist
Wars, Endless Wars
March 3, 2009
The New York Times
By BOB HERBERT
The singer Edwin Starr, who died in 2003, had a big hit in 1970 called “War”
in which he asked again and again: “War, what is it good for?”
The U.S. economy is in free fall, the banking system is in a state of complete
collapse and Americans all across the country are downsizing their standards of
living. The nation as we’ve known it is fading before our very eyes, but we’re
still pouring billions of dollars into wars in Afghanistan and Iraq with
missions we are still unable to define.
Even as the U.S. begins plans to reduce troop commitments in Iraq, it is sending
thousands of additional troops into Afghanistan. The strategic purpose of this
escalation, as Defense Secretary Robert Gates acknowledged, is not at all clear.
In response to a question on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on Sunday, Mr. Gates said:
“We’re talking to the Europeans, to our allies; we’re bringing in an awful lot
of people to get different points of view as we go through this review of what
our strategy ought to be. And I often get asked, ‘Well, how long will those
17,000 [additional troops] be there? Will more go in?’ All that depends on the
outcome of this strategy review that I hope will be done in a few weeks.”
We invaded Afghanistan more than seven years ago. We have not broken the back of
Al Qaeda or the Taliban. We have not captured or killed Osama bin Laden. We
don’t even have an escalation strategy, much less an exit strategy. An honest
assessment of the situation, taking into account the woefully corrupt and
ineffective Afghan government led by the hapless Hamid Karzai, would lead
inexorably to such terms as fiasco and quagmire.
Instead of cutting our losses, we appear to be doubling down.
As for Iraq, President Obama announced last week that substantial troop
withdrawals will take place over the next year and a half and that U.S. combat
operations would cease by the end of August 2010. But, he said, a large
contingent of American troops, perhaps as many as 50,000, would still remain in
Iraq for a “period of transition.”
That’s a large number of troops, and the cost of keeping them there will be
huge. Moreover, I was struck by the following comment from the president: “There
will surely be difficult periods and tactical adjustments, but our enemies
should be left with no doubt. This plan gives our military the forces and
flexibility they need to support our Iraqi partners and to succeed.”
In short, we’re committed to these two conflicts for a good while yet, and there
is nothing like an etched-in-stone plan for concluding them. I can easily
imagine a scenario in which Afghanistan and Iraq both heat up and the U.S.,
caught in an extended economic disaster at home, undermines its fragile recovery
efforts in the same way that societies have undermined themselves since the dawn
of time — with endless warfare.
We’ve already paid a fearful price for these wars. In addition to the many
thousands of service members who have been killed or suffered obvious disabling
injuries, a study by the RAND Corporation found that some 300,000 are currently
suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder or depression, and that 320,000
have most likely experienced a traumatic brain injury.
Time magazine has reported that “for the first time in history, a sizable and
growing number of U.S. combat troops are taking daily doses of antidepressants
to calm nerves strained by repeated and lengthy tours in Iraq and Afghanistan.”
Suicides among soldiers rose in 2008 for the fourth consecutive year, largely
because of the stress of combat deployments. It’s believed that 128 soldiers
took their own lives last year.
Much of the country can work itself up to a high pitch of outrage because a
banker or an automobile executive flies on a private jet. But we’ll send young
men and women by the thousands off to repeated excursions through the hell of
combat — three tours, four tours or more — without raising so much as a peep of
protest.
Lyndon Johnson, despite a booming economy, lost his Great Society to the Vietnam
War. He knew what he was risking. He would later tell Doris Kearns Goodwin, “If
I left the woman I really loved — the Great Society — in order to get involved
with that bitch of a war on the other side of the world, then I would lose
everything at home. All my programs... All my dreams...”
The United States is on its knees economically. As President Obama fights for
his myriad domestic programs and his dream of an economic recovery, he might
benefit from a look over his shoulder at the link between Vietnam and the
still-smoldering ruins of Johnson’s presidency.
Wars, Endless Wars, NYT,
3.3.2009,
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/03/opinion/03herbert.html?ref=opinion
Preparing for cyber war: Bernd Debusmann
Wed Mar 19, 2008
11:07am EDT
Reuters
By Bernd Debusmann
(Bernd Debusmann is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own)
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - At the height of the Cold War, a Soviet oil pipeline blew
up in an explosion so huge that the American military suspected a nuclear blast.
A quarter of a century later, the incident serves as an object lesson in
successful cyber warfare.
The pipeline blew up, with disastrous consequences for the Soviet economy,
because its pumps, valves and turbines were run by software deliberately
designed to malfunction. Made in the U.S. and doctored by the CIA, it passed
into Soviet hands in an elaborate game of deception that left them unaware they
had acquired "bugged" software.
"The pipeline software...was programmed to go haywire, after a decent interval,
to reset pump speeds and valve settings to produce pressures far beyond those
acceptable to pipeline joints and welts. The result was the most monumental
non-nuclear explosion ever seen from space," Thomas C. Reed, a former air force
secretary, wrote in his 2004 memoir.
The pipeline explosion was probably the first major salvo in what has since
become known as cyber warfare. The incident has been cropping up in increasingly
urgent discussions in the U.S. on how to cope with attacks on military and
civilian computer networks and control systems - and how and when to strike
back.
Air traffic control, power plants, Wall Street trading systems, banks, traffic
lights and emergency responder communications could all be targets of attacks
that could bring the U.S. to its knees. As Michael McConnell, the Director of
National Intelligence, put it in recent testimony to a Senate committee:
"Our information infrastructure - including the Internet, telecommunications
networks, computer systems and embedded processors and controllers in critical
industries - increasingly is being targeted...by a growing array of state and
non-state adversaries." Cyber attacks, he said, had grown more sophisticated and
more serious.
The Pentagon says it detects three million attempts to infiltrate its computer
networks every day. There are no estimates of how many probes are successful but
last year the Pentagon had to take 1,500 computers off line because of a
concerted attack from unknown hackers.
POOR SECURITY, DEVASTATING CONSEQUENCES
How tight are the U.S. government's defenses? Not very, according to the
Government Accountability Office, the audit and investigative arm of the U.S.
Congress. In a report last week, it said an audit of 24 government agencies -
including Defense and Homeland Security - had shown that "poor information
security is a widespread problem with potentially devastating consequences."
Striking back at cyber attackers poses a raft of tricky questions, chiefly
because cyber war cannot be waged without involving civilians. Private companies
own more than 80 percent of the infrastructure McConnell talked about and
without close public-private coordination, effective counter-strikes are next to
impossible.
"Unlike traditional defense categories (i.e. land, sea and air), the military
capabilities required to respond to an attack on U.S. infrastructure will
necessarily involve infrastructure owned and operated by the private sector,"
according to Jody R. Westby, CEO of the Washington consulting firm Global Cyber
Risk and a champion of better public-private coordination to cope with cyber
attacks.(http://www.globalcyberrisk.com/Pubs_psc.htm)
Coordination between the military and civilians has yet to be tested. The
military stayed away from an exercise this month that brought together experts
from the U.S., Canada, Britain, New Zealand and Australia, 18 U.S. federal
agencies and around 40 companies, including Microsoft and Cisco Systems. The
game featured mock attacks against computer networks, pipelines and railroads.
(The exercise was described as the biggest of its kind. But "big" is relative.
To get the scale into perspective: There are 233 countries connected to the
Internet today, with an estimated 1.2 billion users. More than 120 countries are
estimated to be developing cyber warfare capabilities).
As things stand, could the U.S. or its allies become victim of an attack similar
to the Soviet pipeline blast? Probably yes. The threat comes from China, which
has been placing heavy emphasis on what it calls "informationized war," and a
motley array of hackers and terrorists.
Among the most potent weapons in their arsenal: "bots," malicious software
robots that are the digital equivalent of terrorist sleeper cells that lie
dormant for months or years before springing into destructive action. In
testimony to Congress, Homeland Security's top scientist on cyber security, W.
Douglas Maugham, has said that there is currently no effective antidote to bots.
BLEAK SCENARIO
How much damage could they do? Here is a scenario drawn from an interview with
Westby, who is a member of the World Federation of Scientists' Permanent
Monitoring Panel on Information Security. Her outline is based on the assumption
that China has already implanted bots in millions of public and private computer
systems.
"Bot herders" around the world unleash their malicious software bots to attack
U.S. government, financial, oil and gas systems. One early victim: the U.S.
Department of Commerce, which loses all communications because its internet and
telephone communications use Voice over Internet Protocol networks. That means
if the Internet goes down, all communications go down.
As Commerce is cut off, the U.S. collection point for inter-bank financial
transactions discovers that bogus data are being inserted from both the sending
and confirming side of the SWIFT (Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial
Telecommunication) system. Chaos ensues in financial markets.
The New York Stock Exchange shuts down after massive "denial of service" attacks
similar to those that last year forced Estonia to close down websites run by
government ministries, banks and telecommunications companies.
At the same time, systems controlling the valves of oil and gas pipelines come
under attack as bogus instructions override system controls and false data is
sent to control room screens. The pipelines are shut. Some explode. There are
casualties.
The government decides it must block the malicious traffic and come to the
assistance of the financial, gas and oil companies under cyber attack. This
involves deploying classified solutions and counter attacks through the networks
of various U.S. communication providers.
The problem: There is no agreement between the Pentagon and the private sector
on transferring private networks to military control. Owners are reluctant to
turn over their systems to the military for fear their networks and their
reputation might be damaged as a result of cyber war actions not under their
control. The problem could be solved by the government declaring martial law, a
step it is hesitant to take.
And what about the foreign-owned networks that would have to be used to launch
an effective counter attack? Does the U.S. have to ask permission before sending
cyber war actions across foreign networks? Would NATO have to be involved? (The
50-year-old treaty does not cover cyber warfare). Should the U.N. charter be
amended to apply to cyber war rather than only "armed attacks?"
These are all questions that require urgent answers if the U.S., more dependent
on computers and the Internet than most countries, wants to protect what a
writer in the latest issue of the Armed Forces Journal aptly describes as
"America's digital Achilles' heel."
(Editing by Sean Maguire)
Preparing for cyber
war:Bernd Debusmann, R, 19.3.2008,
http://www.reuters.com/article/reutersComService4/idUSL1981632120080319
Letters
Talking About Fear, Real and Imagined
October 31, 2007
The New York Times
To
the Editor:
Re “Trash Talking World War III” (editorial, Oct. 29):
Reading your editorial was a disquieting experience for anyone who is a veteran
of World War II because that war ended with hopes that America and the world
would be at peace for an eternity. If we have learned one lesson, it is that
relying on military aggression as was staged four years ago in Iraq was
foolhardy.
To be talking about using military force to curtail Iran’s building of a nuclear
weapon would be compounding the error sizably. If ever diplomacy was needed, now
is the time, before President Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney recklessly set
the stage to ensnare us for yet another war before their terms are over. Cy
Shain
San Francisco, Oct. 29, 2007
•
To the Editor:
You write that “the world should not allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon.” How
does The New York Times suggest that “the world” prevent it?
Diplomacy, you say, although years of diplomatic efforts by our European allies,
with the full support of the United States, have accomplished nothing.
Sanctions, you write, wishing away the fact that Russian and Chinese cooperation
will be unattainable with the suggestion that Condoleezza Rice give those
countries a good talking to.
Our best chance of avoiding the necessity of military action is to convince the
Iranian regime that we are prepared to take it, with the hope that this,
together with such diplomatic and economic pressures as we are able to muster,
will persuade more cautious regime elements to change course.
The statements of President Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney that you deride
as “trash talk” — and that are in fact well within traditional diplomatic bounds
— are therefore a necessary part of any realistic strategy to avoid war.
Howard F. Jaeckel
New York, Oct. 30, 2007
•
To the Editor:
“Trash Talking World War III” lists cogent reasons why it is not in the world’s
or the United States’ interests to bomb Iran, including “the disastrous
diplomatic and economic costs.”
You point out that a bombing campaign is unlikely to set back Iran’s efforts for
more than a few years, nor is such an attack likely to cause Iranians to rise up
against their current government.
What you do not mention, however, are the huge humanitarian costs as well. There
are thousands of Iranians — men, women, children, grandchildren, grandparents,
doctors, lawyers, teachers and so on — living near the sites where we would use
our bombing power. Are we again willing, as we were in Iraq, to disrupt a
population, cause a new refugee crisis, watch bodies collected from homes and
streets, create a civil war and destroy an ancient civilization?
These are the questions that we must ask the Bush administration, questions that
go beyond expediency and economic costs to us. We have done enough damage and
destroyed and disrupted enough lives in Iraq. We should not add Iran to our list
of horrors.
Ann C. Rounds
San Mateo, Calif., Oct. 29, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Re “Fearing Fear Itself,” by Paul Krugman (column, Oct. 29), and “Trash Talking
World War III” (editorial, Oct. 29):
The points of view in these articles do not recognize the reality of the threat.
Consider the bombings that have shaken London, Spain, Bali, Pakistan and Israel
since 2001. They are all related through the Islamic orientation of the
perpetrators. This is not mere coincidence; rather the Muslim identity of the
murderers represents the very impetus for the attacks.
This religious clarion call is certainly an ideology, and to call it
Islamofascism simply connotes that it endangers the world as much as Hitler’s
Nazism. Iran poses a particular danger since it openly seeks hegemony, at any
cost, in the Middle East. Its pursuit of nuclear weapons portends a cataclysm
that will affect the entire world.
The international community should prevent Iran from obtaining such weapons by
every means possible, including a military campaign.
Sheryl Gura Rosenberg
New York, Oct. 29, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman’s column is on target. The hate-mongering and fear-peddling
campaign by leading Republican candidates for president, who continue to use the
war on terror as one against “Islamofascism,” a fictitious ideology as Mr.
Krugman points out, is not only irresponsible but also dangerous.
This shameless strategy of attaching “fascism” to Islam to win votes by
exploiting our fears and anxieties is offensive to more than a billion peaceful
God-fearing Muslims. The fanning of anti-Muslim sentiment inherent in the
demagogy that passes for political discourse is likely to add to the bigotry of
some who may feel compelled to act on it.
This is not an issue for American Muslims only, but it affects all of us and we
need to speak out if we are to maintain this “best hope for mankind,” the
American experiment in democracy, tolerance and diversity.
Mohammed A. Nurhussein
Brooklyn, Oct. 29, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman’s column “Fearing Fear Itself” is a lightning bolt of truth and
insight in a political dialogue gone awry. The use of language by the right is
very calculated and in point of fact very clever. It frames issues by the labels
it chooses. Thus, an escalation of troops became the “surge.” Surge has
connotations of strength and vigor; escalation brings back the bad memories of
Vietnam.
The same technique is being used before a confrontation with Iran.
“Islamofascism” taps into the tapestry of themes that have been woven into our
consciousness concerning our participation in World War II. Hitler was a
fascist; look what we had to do to him. Just by using the term “Islamofascism”
we are playing into the hands of those seeking a violent confrontation with Iran
and the Muslim world. Mark E. Ferris
St. Louis, Oct. 29, 2007
•
To the Editor:
Paul Krugman says that he fears “unreasoning fear” more than anything Al Qaeda
or Iran might do to the United States. So a nuclear bomb smuggled into an
American city by Al Qaeda or another sympathetic group doesn’t frighten him? It
scares me to death.
Casey Brennan
Pittsburgh, Oct. 29, 2007
Talking About Fear, Real and Imagined, NYT, 31.10.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/31/opinion/l31fear.html
Making a killing: how private armies became a $120bn global industry
Published: 21 September 2007
The Independent By Daniel Howden and Leonard Doyle in Washington
In Nigeria, corporate commandos exchange fire with local rebels attacking an
oil platform. In Afghanistan, private bodyguards help to foil yet another
assassination attempt on President Hamid Karzai. In Colombia, a contracted pilot
comes under fire from guerrillas while spraying coca fields with pesticides. On
the border between Iraq and Iran, privately owned Apache helicopters deliver US
special forces to a covert operation.
This is a snapshot of a working day in the burgeoning world of private military
companies, arguably the fastest-growing industry in the global economy. The
sector is now worth up to $120bn annually with operations in at least 50
countries, according to Peter Singer, a security analyst with the Brookings
Institution in Washington.
"The rate of growth in the security industry has been phenomenal," says Deborah
Avant, a professor of political science at UCLA. The single largest spur to this
boom is the conflict in Iraq.
The workings of this industry have come under intense scrutiny this week in the
angry aftermath of the killing of Iraqi civilians by the US-owned Blackwater
corporation in Baghdad. The Iraqi government has demanded the North
Carolina-based company is withdrawn. But with Blackwater responsible for the
protection of hundreds of senior US and Iraqi officials, from the US ambassador
to visiting congressional delegations, there is certainty in diplomatic and
military circles that this will not happen.
The origins of these shadow armies trace back to the early 1990s and the end of
the Cold War, Bob Ayers, a security expert with Chatham House in London,
explains: "In the good old days of the Cold War there were two superpowers who
kept a lid on everything in their respective parts of the world."
He likens the collapse of the Soviet Union to "taking the lid off a pressure
cooker". What we have seen since, he says, is the rise of international
dissident groups, ultranationalists and multiple threats to global security.
The new era also saw a significant reduction in the size of the standing armies,
at the same time as a rise in global insecurity which increased both the
availability of military expertise and the demand for it. It was a business
opportunity that could not be ignored.
Now the mercenary trade comes with its own business jargon. Guns for hire come
under the umbrella term of privatised military firms, with their own acronym
PMFs. The industry itself has done everything it can to shed the "mercenary" tag
and most companies avoid the term "military" in preference for "security". "The
term mercenary is not accurate," says Mr Ayers, who argues that military
personnel in defensive roles should be distinguished from soldiers of fortune.
There is nothing new about soldiers for hire, the private companies simply
represent the trade in a new form. "Organised as business entities and
structured along corporate lines, they mark the corporate evolution of the
mercenary trade," according to Mr Singer, who was among the first to plot the
worldwide explosion in the use of private military firms.
In many ways it mirrors broader trends in the world economy as countries switch
from manufacturing to services and outsource functions once thought to be the
preserve of the state. Iraq has become a testing ground for this burgeoning
industry, creating staggering financial opportunities and equally immense
ethical dilemmas.
None of the estimated 48,000 private military operatives in Iraq has been
convicted of a crime and no one knows how many Iraqis have been killed by
private military forces, because the US does not keep records.
According to some estimates, more than 800 private military employees have been
killed in the war so far, and as many as 3,300 wounded.
These numbers are greater than the losses suffered by any single US army
division and larger than the casualties suffered by the rest of the coalition
put together.
A high-ranking US military commander in Iraq said: "These guys run loose in this
country and do stupid stuff. There's no authority over them, so you can't come
down on them hard when they escalate force. They shoot people."
In Abu Ghraib, all of the translators and up to half of the interrogators were
reportedly private contractors.
Private soldiers are involved in all stages of war, from training and war-gaming
before the invasion to delivering supplies. Camp Doha in Kuwait, the launch-pad
for the invasion, was built by private contractors.
It is not just the military that has turned to the private sector, humanitarian
agencies are dependent on PMFs in almost every war zone from Bosnia to the
Democratic Republic of Congo. Which raises the next market the industry would
like to see opened: peacekeeping. And the lobbying has already begun.
Making a killing: how private armies became a $120bn global industry, I,
21.9.2007,
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/article2984818.ece
Spike Lee to Focus on Black Soldiers
July 3, 2007 By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Filed at 11:25 a.m. ET The New York Times
ROME (AP) -- Spike Lee announced plans Tuesday to make a movie about the
struggle against Nazi occupiers in Italy during World War II that he hopes will
highlight the contribution of black American soldiers who fought and died to
liberate Europe.
The film will spotlight the courage of black soldiers who, despite suffering
discrimination back home, offered a contribution that has so far gone largely
unnoticed in other Hollywood movies, Lee said.
''We have black people who are fighting for democracy who at the same time are
classified as second-class citizens,'' the 50-year-old filmmaker said. ''That is
why I'd like to do a film to show how these brave black men, despite all the
hardship they were going through, still pushed that aside and fought for the
greater good.''
Based on the novel ''Miracle at St. Anna'' by James McBride, the movie will tell
the story of four black American soldiers, all members of the Army's all-black
92nd ''Buffalo Soldier'' Division, who are trapped behind enemy lines in an
Italian village in Tuscany in 1944.
Filming is planned in Tuscany, Rome and the United States, Lee said.
Shooting is expected to start early next year, said producer Roberto Cicutto.
Cicutto said the movie will cost $45 million.
''This is a wonderful story and what makes it even more wonderful is that it is
based upon true incidents,'' Lee said. ''If you look at the history of
Hollywood, the black soldiers who fought World War II are invisible.''
The film will also look at the relationship between the soldiers and the
villagers, some of whom are partisans.
''We had good relationships with the Italian people, they gave us a lot of
information,'' recalled 82-year-old William Perry who, at 19, was an infantry
soldier in the Buffalo Division.
''I'm not a hero, the heroes are those buried in the American cemetery in
Florence. I hope this movie will put a positive spin on some of our activities
here,'' Perry said.
Spike Lee to Focus on Black Soldiers, NYT, 3.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/arts/AP-People-Spike-Lee.html
Searching for MIAs _ How You Can Help
July 3, 2007 Filed at 12:13 p.m. ET By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The New York Times
WHOM ARE THEY LOOKING FOR -- Some 88,000 U.S. troops still missing from World
War II and other conflicts.
HOW TO HELP -- Investigators rely heavily on tips and information from relatives
and private citizens. They particularly value eyewitnesses. Relatives can
provide DNA samples taken from swabs of the inside of the cheek.
WHOM TO CONTACT -- The Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command, at Hickam Air Force
Base in Hawaii, can be contacted through their homepage at
http://www.jpac.pacom.mil/Contact.htm . The Defense POW/MIA Personnel
Office, which oversees policy issues and maintains a family support team, has a
homepage at http://www.dtic.mil/dpmo/ .
Searching for MIAs _ How You Can Help, NYT, 3.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-Iwo-Jima-Marine-Box.html
U.S. Looks for Fallen Troops at Iwo Jima
July 3, 2007 Filed at 12:19 p.m. ET By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The New York Times
IWO JIMA, Japan (AP) -- Maj. Sean Stinchon stands at the base of Hill 362A
and scans a map drawn up by Navy Seabees in 1948 that is deeply creased and
covered in reddish brown dirt. The map shows a labyrinth of caves and tunnels
that runs through the brush-covered hill like the cross-section of an ant
colony.
Save for the buzzing of mosquitoes, all is quiet. Stinchon can see all the way
to the pristine black-sand beach and the Pacific. It's a breathtaking scene. But
Stinchon, of the Joint POW/MIA Accounting Command at Hickam Air Force Base on
Hawaii, is focused on finding a Marine named Sgt. William H. Genaust, killed 62
years ago.
Over the past two years, Stinchon has traveled through Europe and Asia looking
for the remains of America's fallen troops. More than 78,000 are still missing
from World War II alone. An additional 8,100 are MIA from the Korean conflict,
and 1,750 from Vietnam.
In 1945, Hill 362A was a kill zone. The 21,200 Japanese defenders, deeply dug in
with weapons and supplies, faced a desperate situation: 100,000 Americans who
were storming Japanese soil for the first time. They watched a huge flotilla of
U.S. Navy ships surround their island. Then came the bombings and heavy
artillery fire.
Then the Marines.
Within days, an American flag was flying atop the highest point on the tiny,
pork-chop shaped island -- Mount Suribachi, a sulfur-belching volcano on Iwo
Jima's southern tip. But it took 31 days before the U.S., on March 26, 1945,
declared the island secure. Some 6,821 Americans were killed; only 1,033
Japanese survived. For the U.S., it was the fiercest battle of the war -- none
had generated a higher percentage of casualties.
It was a turning point.
On Feb. 23, 1945, AP photographer Joe Rosenthal hiked up to the top of Suribachi
and shot the flag-raising -- the second one that day. His photo, which won him
the Pulitzer Prize, helped rally the weary nation behind the final push to
defeat Japan, and continues to serve as the single most important icon of the
valor of the Marine Corps.
Genaust, a Marine combat photographer, was also there. After escorting the
unarmed Rosenthal up the volcano, he stood next to Rosenthal and filmed the
moment with a movie camera.
But he didn't live to see the impact of his own footage.
Nine days later, Genaust was on Hill 362A helping his unit secure a cave. They
needed a flashlight to see inside, and Genaust volunteered to use his. But as he
entered the cave, he was riddled with machine-gun fire and died on the spot. The
entrance to the cave was sealed -- possibly by a bulldozer.
Genaust's body, with those of 280 U.S. ground troops who fought on Iwo Jima, was
never found.
Stinchon was on Hill 362A to change that.
In a 10-day expedition, Stinchon and his seven-member team -- the first U.S.-led
search on Iwo Jima in nearly 60 years -- were looking for what wasn't on his
map: caves and tunnels that were closed and sealed, then missed when U.S.
searchers combed the island for American dead.
''We need to find places that haven't already been searched,'' he said.
Iwo Jima, inhabited today by about 400 Japanese soldiers, is craggy, volcanic
terrain. Its interior is thick with thorny foliage. Shrapnel still litters the
ground, and unexploded shells remain a major hazard.
''You couldn't move out there without the use of a machete,'' Stinchon said.
''It was very thick, a lot of tall cactus plants.''
Stinchon and his team hacked their way up the side of the hill and found two
potential locations.
Both could easily have been missed.
One appeared to be a small crack, just big enough for a dog to get into, behind
rocky debris. The team had to dig through several feet of dirt to reveal the
entrance to the other.
To the experts, there was one big giveaway -- heat.
''You can kind of tell when you are coming up to a cave or a cave entrance
because you can feel the heat coming out and you can smell the sulfur fumes,''
Stinchon said.
He said the team couldn't get into either to do an extensive investigation for
fear of a cave-in, but he said members will take the information they found back
to headquarters and recommend that a follow-up team be sent in with heavy
equipment to excavate.
''We'll continue to search,'' he said. ''At this time, we have a good start.''
Back in Hawaii, JPAC officials say they will analyze the results of the
investigation and decide whether a further search, and possibly a full recovery
team, is warranted.
Following the motto ''Until They are Home,'' JPAC, which was created in 2003,
identifies about six MIAs each month -- some 1,300 so far. The command, which
also runs permanent branches in Thailand, Vietnam and Laos, has at any given
time about 1,000 active cases.
''It's such an incredible mission,'' said Lt. Col. Mark Brown, the JPAC
spokesman. ''There's a lot of families who have been waiting a long time.''
Stinchon's team was fairly typical.
Once a promising area is pinpointed, a preliminary investigation is conducted by
a team that generally includes linguists, medics, forensic anthropologists and
ordnance specialists.
Though it boasts the world's largest forensic anthropology laboratory, JPAC's
staff of about 425 people is stretched to the limit and often relies on outside
tips -- from family members, friends or amateur historians.
''No lead is too small,'' Brown said. ''We do not turn down a lead.''
In Genaust's case, information provided by businessman Bob Bolus of Scranton,
Pa., was key to getting the team to Iwo Jima. Bolus saw an article in Parade
magazine two years ago about Genaust, and spent thousands of dollars of his own
money to track down leads and even visit the island with his own team of private
experts.
Brown said JPAC is particularly interested in obtaining ''family reference
samples,'' mitochondrial DNA from the relatives of MIAs. Typically the samples
are obtained by swabbing the inside of the cheek, and can be vital in cracking
an otherwise impossible identification.
''There are lots of leads we need, people we need to find,'' he said. ''If there
aren't dog tags or artifacts, if it's impossible to do dental identification,
our last resort is family reference samples.''
The forensics experts have DNA from a niece of Genaust.
Japan's government and military helped with the search on Iwo Jima, which last
month was officially renamed Iwo To -- the island's name before the war.
Japan sent its first search parties to the island in 1952 and others have
followed every year since Iwo Jima was returned to Japanese control in 1968.
They have recovered 8,595 sets of remains -- but, to date, no Americans.
JPAC remains determined.
''We want them all,'' said Hugh Tuller, a civilian anthropologist with the Iwo
Jima search team. ''We want to find them all.''
------
On the Net:
http://www.dtic.mil/dpmo/
http://www.jpac.pacom.mil/
U.S. Looks for Fallen Troops at Iwo Jima, NYT, 3.7.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-Iwo-Jima-Still-Missing.html
Robert
Fisk on Shakespeare and war
Shakespeare could have been writing about Iraq or Afghanistan, his scenes of
battle were so prescient. Robert Fisk dissects the Bard's attitude to conflict - and describes how
relevant he has found it to be today
Published: 30 March 2007 The Independent
Poor old Bardolph. The common soldier, the Poor Bloody Infantry, the GI Joe
of Agincourt, survives Henry IV, only to end up on the end of a rope after he's
avoided filling up the breach at Harfleur with his corpse. Henry V is his
undoing - in every sense of the word - when he robs a French church. He must be
executed, hanged, "pour encourager les autres". "Bardolph," laments his friend
Pistol to Fluellen, "a soldier firm and sound of heart, /...hanged must a' be /A
damned death!
"Let gallows gape for dog, let man go free, / And let not hemp his wind-pipe
suffocate: / But Exeter hath given the doom of death... / Therefore go speak,
the duke will hear thy voice; / And let not Bardolph's vital thread be cut... /
Speak, captain, for his life..."
How many such military executions have been recorded in the past 30 years of
Middle East history? For theft, for murder, for desertion, for treachery, for a
momentary lapse of discipline. Captain Fluellen pleads the profoundly ugly
Bardolph's cause - not with great enthusiasm, it has to be said - to Henry
himself.
"I / think the duke hath lost never a man, but one that / is like to be executed
for robbing a church, one / Bardolph, if your majesty know the man: his face is
/ all bubukles and whelks, and knobs, and flames o' / fire, and his lips blow at
his nose..."
But the priggish Henry, a friend of Bardolph in his princely, drinking days
(shades of another, later Prince Harry), will have none of it:
"We would have all such offenders so cut off: and we / give express charge that
in our marches through the / country there be nothing compelled from the /
villages; nothing taken but paid for; none of the / French upbraided or abused
in disdainful language..."
In France, Eisenhower shot post-D-Day rapists in the US army. The SS hanged
their deserters even as Berlin fell. I have my notes of a meeting with Fathi
Daoud Mouffak, one of Saddam Hussein's military cameramen during the eight-year
Iran-Iraq war, a sensitive man, a mere Pistol in the great retreat around Basra
where a reservist was accused of desertion by an officer of the Iraqi "Popular
Army". He was a very young man, Mouffak was to recall:
"And the reporter from Jumhuriya newspaper tried to save him. He said to the
commander: 'This is an Iraqi citizen. He should not die.' But the commander
said: 'This is none of your business - stay out of this.' And so it was the
young man's fate to be shot by a firing squad... before he was executed, he said
he was the father of four children. And he begged to live. 'Who will look after
my wife and my children?' he asked. 'I am a Muslim. Please think of Allah - for
Saddam, for God, please help me... I am not a conscript, I am a reservist. I did
not run away from the battle - my battalion was destroyed.' But the commander
shot him personally - in the head and in the chest."
My own father, 2nd Lieutenant Bill Fisk of the 12th Battalion, the King's
Liverpool Regiment, a soldier of the 1914-18 war, was ordered to command a
firing party, to execute a 19-year old Australian soldier, Gunner Frank Wills of
the Royal Field Artillery, who had murdered a military policeman in Paris. Bill
refused to carry out this instruction, only to be put on a court martial charge
for refusing to obey an order. Someone else dispatched Bill Fisk's Bardolph. "I
ask the Court to take into consideration my youth and to give me a chance of
leading an upright and straightforward life in the future," Wills wrote in his
miserable plea for mercy. British officers turned it down, arguing that an
example should be made of Wills to prevent further indiscipline. The war had
long been over when he was shot at dawn at Le Havre. Bill served in the Third
Battle of the Somme in 1918 and I never pass the moment when Shakespeare's
French king asks if Henry's army "hath passed the river Somme" without drawing
in my breath. Did some faint moment of Renaissance prescience touch the
dramatist in 1599?
I am still to be convinced that Shakespeare saw war in service in the army of
Elizabeth. "Say'st thou me so?" Pistol asks of a cringing French prisoner who
does not speak English. "Come hither, boy, ask me this slave in French / What is
his name." I heard an almost identical quotation in Baghdad, shorn of its
16th-century English, when a US Marine confronted an Iraqi soldier-demonstrator
in 2003. "Shut the fuck up," he screamed at the Iraqi. Then he turned to his
translator. "What the fuck's he saying?" At the siege of Harfleur, the soldier
Boy wishes he was far from battle - "Would I were in an alehouse in London! I
would give / all my fame for a pot of ale, and safety" - and Henry's walk
through his camp in disguise on the eve of Agincourt evokes some truly modern
reflections on battle. The soldier Bates suggests to him that if the king had
come on his own to Agincourt, he would be safely ransomed "and a many poor men's
lives saved".
The equally distressed soldier Williams argues that if the English cause is
doubtful: "...the king himself hath / a heavy reckoning to make, when all those
legs, and / arms, and heads, chopped off in a battle, shall join / together at
the latter day, and cry all 'We died at / such a place'; some swearing, some
crying for a / surgeon; some upon their wives, left poor behind / them; some
upon the debts they owe; some upon their / children rawly left..."
This bloody accounting would be familiar to any combat soldier, but Shakespeare
could have heard these stories from the English who had been fighting on the
Continent in the 16th century. I've seen those chopped-off legs and arms and
heads on the battlefields of the Middle East, in southern Iraq in 1991 when the
eviscerated corpses of Iraqi soldiers and refugee women and children were lying
across the desert, their limbs afterwards torn apart by ravenous dogs. And I've
talked to Serb soldiers who fought Bosnian Muslims in the battle for the Bihac
pocket, men who were so short of water that they drank their own urine.
Similarly, Shakespeare's censorious Caesar Augustus contemplates Antony's
pre-Cleopatran courage: "...When thou once / Wast beaten from Modena, / ...at
thy heel / Did famine follow, whom thou fought'st against / ...with patience
more / Than savages could suffer: thou didst drink / The stale of horses and the
gilded puddle / Which beasts would cough at..."
Yet Wilfred Owen's poetry on the "pity of war" - his description, say, of the
gassed soldier coughing his life away, the blood gargling "from the
froth-corrupted lungs" - has much greater immediacy.
True, death was ever present in the life of any Tudor man or woman; the Plague
that sometimes closed down the Globe Theatre, the hecatomb of child mortality,
the overflowing, pestilent graveyards, united all mankind in the proximity of
death. Understand death and you understand war, which is primarily about the
extinction of human life rather than victory or defeat. And despite constant
repetition, Hamlet's soliloquy over poor Yorick's skull remains a deeply
disturbing contemplation of death:
"My gorge rises at / it. Here hung those lips that I have kissed I know / not
how oft. Where be your gibes now? your / gambols? your songs? your flashes of
merriment / that were wont to set the table on a roar? Not one / now, to mock
your own grinning? Quite chapfall'n?"
And here is Omar Khayyam's contemplation of a king's skull at Tus - near the
modern-day Iranian city of Mashad - written more than 400 years before * *
Shakespeare's Hamlet stood in the churchyard at Elsinore:
"I saw a bird alighted on the city walls of Tus / Grasping in its claws
Kaika'us's head: / It was saying to that head, 'Shame! Shame! / Where now the
sound of the bells and the boom of the drum?'"
The swiftness with which disease struck the living in previous centuries was
truly murderous. And I have my own testimony at how quickly violent death can
approach. Assaulted by a crowd of Afghans in a Pakistani border village in 2001
- their families had just been slaughtered in an American B-52 air raid on
Kandahar - an ever-growing crowd of young men were banging stones on to my head,
smashing my glasses into my face, cutting my skin open until I could smell my
own blood. And, just for a moment, I caught sight of myself in the laminated
side of a parked bus. I was crimson with blood, my face was bright red with the
stuff and it was slopping down my shirt and on to my bag and my trousers and
shoes; I was all gore from head to foot. And I distinctly remember, at that very
moment - I suppose it was a subconscious attempt to give meaning to my own
self-disgust - the fearful ravings of the insane Lady Macbeth as she
contemplates the stabbing of King Duncan: "...who would have thought the old man
/ to have had so much blood in him?"
Shakespeare would certainly have witnessed pain and suffering in daily London
life. Executions were in public, not filmed secretly on mobile telephones. But
who cannot contemplate Saddam's hanging - the old monster showing nobility as
his Shi'ite executioners tell him he is going "to hell" - without remembering
"that most disloyal traitor", the condemned Thane of Cawdor in Macbeth, of whom
Malcolm was to remark that "nothing in his life / Became him like the leaving
it." Indeed, Saddam's last response to his tormentors - "to the hell that is
Iraq?" - was truly Shakespearean.
How eerily does Saddam's shade haunt our modern reading of Shakespeare. "Hang
those that talk of fear!" must have echoed through many a Saddamite palace,
where "mouth-honour" had long ago become the custom, where - as the casualties
grew through the long years of his eight-year conflict with Iran - a Ba'athist
leader might be excused the Macbethian thought that he was "in blood / Stepp'd
in so far, that, should I wade no more, / Returning were as tedious as go o'er".
The Iraqi dictator tried to draw loose inspiration from the Epic of Gilgamesh in
his own feeble literary endeavours, an infantile novel which - if David Damrosch
is right - was the work of an Iraqi writer subsequently murdered by Saddam.
Perhaps Auden best captures the nature of the beast:
"Perfection, of a kind, was what he was after, / And the poetry he invented was
easy to understand; / He knew human folly like the back of his hand, / And was
greatly interested in armies and fleets..."
In an age when we are supposed to believe in the "War on Terror", we may quarry
our way through Shakespeare's folios in search of Osama bin Laden and George W
Bush with all the enthusiasm of the mass murderer who prowls through Christian
and Islamic scriptures in search of excuses for ethnic cleansing. Indeed,
smiting the Hittites, Canaanites and Jebusites is not much different from
smiting the Bosnians or the Rwandans or the Arabs or, indeed, the modern-day
Israelis. And it's not difficult to find a parallel with Bush's disasters in
Afghanistan and Iraq - and his apparent desire to erase these defeats with yet a
new military adventure in Iran - in Henry IV's deathbed advice to his son, the
future Henry V:
"...Therefore, my Harry, / Be it thy course to busy giddy minds / With foreign
quarrels; that action, hence borne out / May waste the memory of the former
days."
The wasteland and anarchy of Iraq in the aftermath of our illegal 2003 invasion
is reflected in so many of Shakespeare's plays that one can move effortlessly
between the tragedies and the histories to read of present-day civil war
Baghdad. Here's the father, for example, on discovering that he has killed his
own child in Henry VI, Part III:
"O, pity, God, this miserable age! / What stratagems, how fell, how butcherly, /
Erroneous, mutinous and unnatural, / This deadly quarrel daily doth beget!"
Our treachery towards the Shi'ites and Kurds of Iraq in 1991 - when we
encouraged them to rise up against Saddam and then allowed the butcher of
Baghdad to destroy them - was set against the genuine cries for freedom that
those doomed people uttered in the days before their betrayal. "...waving our
red weapons o'er our heads," as Brutus cried seconds after Julius Caesar's
murder, "Let's all cry, 'Peace, freedom, and liberty'."
My own experience of war has changed my feelings towards many of Shakespeare's
characters. The good guys in Shakespeare's plays have become ever less
attractive, ever more portentous, ever more sinister as the years go by. Henry V
seems more than ever a butcher. "Now, herald, are the dead number'd?" he asks.
"This note doth tell me of ten thousand French / That in the field lie slain: of
princes, in this number, / And nobles bearing banners, there lie dead / One
hundred twenty six: added to these / Of knights, esquires, and gallant
gentlemen, / Eight thousand and four hundred..."
Henry is doing "body counts". When the herald presents another list - this time
of the English dead, Henry reads off the names of Edward, Duke of York, the Earl
of Suffolk, Sir Richard Kikely, Davy Gam, Esquire: "None else of name: and, of
all other men, / but five and twenty... O God, thy arm was here... / Was ever
known so great and little loss, / On one part and on th'other?"
This is pure Gulf War Part One, when General Norman Schwarzkopf was gloating at
the disparate casualty figures - while claiming, of course, that he was "not in
the business of body counts" - while General Peter de la Billière was telling
Britons to celebrate victory by ringing their church bells.
Shakespeare can still be used to remind ourselves of an earlier, "safer" (if
nonexistent) world, a reassurance of our own ultimate survival. It was not by
chance that Olivier's Henry V was filmed during the Second World War. The
Bastard's final promise in King John is simple enough:
"Come the three corners of the world in arms, / And we shall shock them: nought
shall make us rue, / If England to itself do rest but true."
But the true believers - the Osamas and Bushes - probably lie outside the
history plays. The mad King Lear - betrayed by two of his daughters just as bin
Laden felt he was betrayed by the Saudi royal family when they rejected his
offer to free Kuwait from Iraqi occupation without American military assistance
- shouts that he will:
"...do such things, / What they are yet, I know not, but they shall be / The
terrors of the earth!"
Lear, of course, was written in the immediate aftermath of the Gunpowder Plot, a
"terrorist" conspiracy with potential September 11 consequences. Similarly, the
saintly Prospero in The Tempest contains both the self-righteousness and
ruthlessness of bin Laden and the covert racism of Bush. When he sends Ariel to
wreck the usurping King Alonso's ship on his island, the airy spirit returns
with an account of his success which - despite his subsequent saving of lives -
is of near-Twin Towers dimensions:
"Now in the waist, the deck, in every cabin, / I flam'd amazement, sometime I'ld
divide / And burn in many places... / Not a soul / But felt a fever of the mad,
and play'd / Some tricks of desperation; all but mariners / Plung'd in the
foaming brine, and quit the vessel; / Then all afire with me the King's son
Ferdinand / With hair up-staring (then like reeds, not hair) / Was the first man
that leap'd; cried Hell is empty, / And all the devils are here."
In almost the same year, John Donne was using equally terrifying imagery, of a
"fired ship" from which "by no way / But drowning, could be rescued from the
flame, / Some men leap'd forth..."
Prospero's cruelty towards Caliban becomes more frightening each time I read of
it, not least because The Tempest is one of four Shakespeare plays in which
Muslims appear and because Caliban is himself an Arab, born of an Algerian
mother.
"This damned Witch Sycorax / For mischiefs manifold, and sorceries terrible / To
enter human hearing, from Argier / Thou know'st was banish'd..." Prospero tells
us. "This blue-ey'd hag, was hither brought with child... / A freckl'd whelp,
hag-born... not honour'd with / A human shape."
Caliban is the "terrorist" on the island, first innocently nurtured by Prospero
and then condemned to slavery after trying to rape Prospero's daughter, the
colonial slave who turns against the fruits of civilisation that were offered
him.
"You taught me language, and my profit on't / Is, I know how to curse: the red
plague rid you / For learning me your language."
Yet Caliban must "obey" Prospero because "his art is of such power". Prospero
may not have F-18s or bunker-busters, but Caliban is able to play out a familiar
Western narrative; he teams up with the bad guys, offering his help to Trinculo
- "I'll show you the best springs; I'll pluck thee berries; / I'll fish for
thee..." - making the essential linkage between evil and terror that Bush vainly
tried to claim between al-Qa'ida and Saddam. Caliban is an animal, unworthy of
pity, not honoured with a "human shape". Compare this with a recent article in
the newspaper USA Today, in which a former American military officer, Ralph
Peters - arguing that Washington should withdraw from Iraq because its people
are no longer worthy of our Western sacrifice - refers to "the comprehensive
inability of the Arab world to progress in any sphere of organised human
endeavour". Prospero, of course, prevails and Caliban survives to grovel to his
colonial master:
"How fine my master is! I am afraid / He will chastise me / ...I'll be wise
hereafter, / And seek for grace..." The war of terror has been won!
Shakespeare lived at a time when the largely Muslim Ottoman empire - then at its
zenith of power - remained an existential if not a real threat for Europeans.
The history plays are replete with these fears, albeit that they are also a
product of propaganda on behalf of Elizabeth and, later, James. In Henry IV:
Part I, the king is to set out on the Crusades:
"As far as to the sepulchre of Christ... / Forthwith a power of English shall we
levy, / Whose arms were moulded in their mothers' womb / To chase these pagans
in those holy fields / Over whose acres walked those blessed feet."
Rhetoric is no one's prerogative - compare King Henry V's pre-Agincourt speech
with Saddam's prelude to the "Mother of All Battles" where Prospero-like purity
is espoused for the Arab "side". This is Saddam: "Standing at one side of this
confrontation are peoples and sincere leaders and rulers, and on the other are
those who stole the rights of God and the tyrants who were renounced by God
after they renounced all that was right, honourable, decent and solemn and
strayed from the path of God until... they became obsessed by the devil from
head to toe."
Similar sentiments are espoused by Tamberlaine in Marlowe's play. Tamberlaine is
the archetypal Muslim conqueror, the "scourge of God" who found it passing brave
to be a king, and ride in triumph through Persepolis.
But Othello remains the most obvious, tragic narrative of our Middle Eastern
fears. He is a Muslim in the service of Venice - close neighbour to the Ottoman
empire - and is sent to Cyprus to battle the Turkish fleet. He is a mercenary
whose self-hatred contaminates the play and eventually leads to his own death.
Racially abused by both Iago and Roderigo, he lives in a world where there are
men whose heads supposedly hang beneath their shoulders, where he is black -
most Arabs are not black, although Olivier faithfully followed this notion - and
where, just before killing himself, he refers to his terrible stabbing of
Desdemona as the work of a "base Indian" who:
"...threw a pearl away / Richer than all his tribe, of one whose subdued eyes, /
...Drop tears as fast as the Arabian trees / ...Set you down this; / And say
besides, that in Aleppo once, / Where a malignant and a turbaned Turk / Beat a
Venetian and traduced the state, / I took by the throat the circumcised dog /
And smote him, thus."
That, I fear, is the dagger that we now feel in all our hearts.
Robert Fisk will be in conversation with Joan Bakewell and Tim Pigott-Smith for
the Royal Shakespeare Company on 'Shakespeare and War' at the Courtyard Theatre
in Stratford-upon-Avon on Sunday at 1pm. His latest book 'The Great War for
Civilisation: the Conquest of the Middle East' is published by Fourth
Estate/HarperCollins
Robert Fisk on
Shakespeare and war, I, 30.3.2007,
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2403298.ece
Manhattan’s Littlest Soldiers
March 11, 2007 The New York Times By ERIC KONIGSBERG
Park Avenue between 66th and 67th Streets is not the first block you might
try if you were looking to find boys and girls with guns. And none of Manhattan,
for that matter, presents good odds for turning up children engaged in
paramilitary maneuvers.
But Tuesdays, from 5 to 6 p.m., that is what you would find, when the
Knickerbocker Greys cadet corps holds its weekly drill sessions. The site is the
old Seventh Regiment Armory, a crenellated red-brick fortress, and perhaps there
is some comfort to the knowledge that in this era of architectural repurposing,
at least one of New York’s old armories, when it isn’t housing antiques fairs,
is used in a way that actually involves the taking up of arms (particularly as
they’re not loaded).
The Knickerbocker Greys is an organization for children ages 6 to 16, and it has
been something of an Upper East Side institution since 1881 — though the typical
response of most people in the neighborhood upon the mention of its name is,
“Good God, does something like that still exist?”
Last summer, an article in a publication put out by the Social Register (Good
God, does that still exist?) made note of the Greys’ 125th anniversary and
described it as “a kind of Junior R.O.T.C. or Scouts with, if you like, a more
pronounced military bent.”
The Greys’ enrollment currently stands at 21, and last week, most of them —
including three girls — could be found inside the Armory practicing for the
corps’ annual cadet-father dinner.
In a hallway that showcased — in no particular order — its age, portraits of
bearded captains and majors, and a thicket of exposed electrical wiring (the
Armory’s 50,000-square-foot Drill Shed was occupied), the Greys’ commander,
David Menegon, broke his charges into two groups for a pass-and-review routine.
He is 44 years old, an Army reservist who earned two Bronze Stars on combat
tours of Iraq. During business hours, he works for Xerox, in sales.
“The older kids lead the younger kids — that’s central to the philosophy,” Mr.
Menegon said. “How many 9-year-olds have the patience to teach smaller children?
They learn leadership and empathy.”
As they drilled, the children’s carriage and rhythms looked as straight and
precise as those of 7- and 8-year-olds can be expected to look. Adjutant’s call,
right face, right shoulder arms, forward march, column left, left flank, eyes
right, present arms.
Mr. Menegon nodded his approval and called a five minute break.
“Does that mean we can wrestle now?” asked Joshua Klein, 8.
“No wrestling,” Mr. Menegon said.
The regimental culture of the Greys can feel at odds with the prevailing
child-development ethic of today’s Upper East Side, where value is placed on
good behavior, sure, but also on the importance of a youngster’s being able to
express himself at all times.
The Greys repaired to the Company F Room, where they stood around a large table
and rehearsed an elaborate series of toasts and rhythmic clapping exercises.
“When we say, ‘Are all the cannons charged?’ that means are all your glasses
full of soda,” Mr. Menegon said.
Some of the youngsters giggled. “Can we practice with soda right now?” said
Tommy Rowe, a seventh grader at the Buckley School on the Upper East Side.
“No, and don’t laugh,” Mr. Menegon said. He went on to explain the historical
significance of “dining in” traditions as one boy absent-mindedly stuck his
fingers in his mouth and played an imaginary trumpet. West Point it was not.
Membership is open to “boys and girls of good character,” according to the
Greys’ Web site, and costs $400 annually, with financial aid available. Most of
the members come from the Upper East Side, though that is not a requirement.
The two senior-most members of the corps at 14 and 12, Eugene and Quentin Whyte,
are second-generation Greys, along with their younger sister, Catherine (the
corps went coed in 1986). Their father, Gene, who grew up near their current
home on 85th Street off of Park, is a lieutenant in the New York City Police
Department.
“Basically, I joined for the swords,” Eugene said. “When we’d go to my grandma’s
apartment, she had my dad’s old swords and uniform and we would have these epic
battles.”
Tommy and his older sister, Schuyler, who is in the ninth grade at Hewitt, the
girls’ school on the Upper East Side, are Greys’ legacies, too. Their father, a
stockbroker, wasn’t in the corps, but their step-grandfather was. “You get to
make new friends outside of school and everybody’s really friendly,” Tommy said.
“I’m not going to ever join the military, though. Not unless my parents go
bankrupt. I can’t stand the sight of blood.”
“Some girls at school wonder why I’m in it,” Schuyler said. “They all ask if I
have a boyfriend through this. We wanted to join after 9/11.”
“Boys like the army, but girls like the mall and nail polish,” Tommy said.
“I’m an only child, so this is sort of my second home,” said Erroll Rhodes, who
is 10 and will be starting at St. Bernard’s, the boys’ school on the Upper East
Side, in the fall. “Someone always listens to you when you have a problem.”
“I used to be really shy and I had a serious fear of public speaking,” Eugene
said. “Major Menegon helped me a lot, step by step. And since then, as a cadet
colonel, I’ve learned a lot about confidence and how you respond when someone
below you is misbehaving. You have to ask them nicely and let them know you’re
their friend.”
At its peak, during the era of the two World Wars, the Greys had as many as 200
cadets, from Mayflower families and the like. The author Louis Auchincloss,
writing about his childhood, recalled a Major Smith — “a dreadful man” — who ran
the Greys: “He wanted to make us aware that a man’s fate might ultimately take
us to strange lands to fight for glorious causes, and he seemed to have no doubt
that this made us more privileged than women.”
Like a lot of the city’s old-money institutions, the corps was all but crushed
by modernity and the changes that it brought — everything from competitive
private-school admissions to the demise of the Gold and Silver Ball to the
arrival of people who think nothing of renting out the gorilla house at the
Bronx Zoo for an 8-year-old’s birthday party.
The only public notice the Knickerbocker Greys received in recent decades came
in association with a less-than-distinguished veteran, Robert Chambers, the
so-called Preppy Killer who was convicted of the 1986 strangulation of a woman
in Central Park.
Still, the young soldiers soldier on, performing at functions for the Sons of
the American Revolution, St. George’s Society, and the Society of Colonial Wars.
Last month, they crossed a Rubicon of sorts to work the lavish 60th birthday
party of Steve Schwartzman, the Blackstone Group financier.
“He gave all of us iPods,” Quentin Whyte said.
Manhattan’s Littlest Soldiers, NYT, 11.3.2007,
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/11/nyregion/11grays.html
Soldier's diary recalls horror of the Somme
Thursday March 8, 2007 Guardian Paul Lewis
For almost a century, poets and historians have struggled to describe the
carnage of July 1 1916, the bloodiest day in the history of the British army.
Personal tales are easily lost amid the colossal death toll of the first day of
the battle of the Somme. Of the 120,000 British soldiers who scrambled out of
the trenches to march into a wall of fire, almost 20,000 died.
But a blunt account of the initial offensive by a grocer from South Yorkshire,
which sold at auction yesterday for £7,360, goes some way to explaining what it
was like to be there that day.
Not a lot is known about Walter Hutchinson, a stretcher-bearer in the 10th
Battalion, York & Lancaster Regiment, who wrote the diary during the first three
weeks of the battle. He is said to have been a mild-mannered and bespectacled
man who stood 5ft 5in tall. He had a wife, Evelyn, and a daughter, Connie. He
retired in the Lincolnshire seaside resort of Cleethorpes before he died in the
1980s.
But thanks to his diary, a few facts are indisputable. It reveals that Walter's
"first taste of gas" came on the morning the deadliest battle of the first world
war commenced, after he and his comrades crossed a marsh and clambered into a
communication trench.
His description of the bloodshed that unfolded, repeated again and again in the
diary, is as moving a phrase as any other. It was "an awful sight".
"We hadn't gone far up the trench before we came across three of our own lads
lying dead," he wrote on that first day. "Their heads been badly damaged by a
shell. Their names were Voice and Webster Brothers. We had to go scrambling over
the poor fellows - in and out, in and out. It was one of the awful sights I had
ever witnessed and at this point our own lads was coming out wounded as we was
following them in."
The "lads" were ordered to "dump everything and fix bayonets" and fight. "We
obeyed the order like men."
Walter was hit on the hip by a piece of shell, but "kept running after the
boys".
"We then landed at the trench we was making for and found out it was our own
original front line trench. And we saw some awful sights in it for a lot of
wounded men had not been got out there."
The following day Walter peeled back the a sheet from the corpse he believed was
covering his pal Charley: "But I went and lifted the oilsheet from over his face
and found that it was Harold Beecher. And I asked questions about him and found
out he was badly wounded Saturday night and died early on Sunday morning. He was
a clerk in civil life. I was very sorry for we had been good chums from the day
we arrived in France."
He and his colleagues were rescued, but spent three days without food.
On the third day, amid a lull in the fighting, Walter and his fellow men "got to
work and dug some graves for our poor comrades. We buried the poor fellows as
respectful as we could under the circumstances". There were more burials the
next day. And the next. "It was an awful sight. We then got the poor fellows
buried which was a very difficult task for shells was dropping all around us."
The diary, which fetched 10 times its estimate, was sold at Dix Noonan Webb
auctioneers in London by Walter's niece, Jeanette Ive, 75, from Wimborne,
Dorset. It went to a private bidder alongside a Military Medal and a pocket
watch presented to him in 1917.
Extract 'We obeyed the order like men'
Saturday July 1
As soon as we got on the road we saw an awful sight, for there was wounded men
by hundreds coming from the line ... then the order came down, dump everything
and fix bayonets, you have got to fight for it lads. We obeyed the order like
men ... I know we had had a lot of lads wounded and I had not seen anything of
Charley my pal since ... the morning.
Sunday July 2
I asked about my pal and they told me they was afraid he had been killed. But I
went and lifted the oilsheet from over his face and found that it was Harold
Beecher ... I was very sorry for we had been good chums from the day we arrived
in France ...
Tuesday July 4 - Friday 7
Made some tea and had something to eat for the first time since Saturday morning
... We was fairly quiet from the Wednes to the Friday teatime, then Fritz
started shelling us again. I was talking to these three men some 10 yards away
and a shell dropped and killed all the three of them. It was an awful sight.
Soldier's diary recalls horror of the Somme, G, 8.3.2007,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/military/story/0,,2028735,00.html
Human rights concerns fail to staunch flow of UK arms
China tops list with £70m of exports in one year as military sales soar to
blacklisted regimes
Sunday October 15, 2006 The Observer Antony Barnett
The British government is exporting
record levels of military equipment to 19 of the 20 states its own ministers and
officials have just identified as 'major countries of concern' for human rights
abuses.
The 20 countries were listed in the
Foreign Office's annual Human Rights Report, which was launched by the Foreign
Secretary, Margaret Beckett, last week. They include China, Burma, North Korea,
Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia and Zimbabwe.
But the government's arms export records reveal that concerns over human rights
appear not to have prevented ministers from approving tens of millions of pounds
of military sales to those same regimes.
For instance, on China the report stated: 'The Chinese authorities continue to
violate a range of basic human rights. The use of the death penalty remains
extensive and non-transparent; torture is widespread.' Yet, despite the
existence of a European Union arms embargo, ministers approved strategic export
licences - which are needed to sell military items abroad - for China worth
almost £70m between July 2005 and June 2006.
According to the UK government's own record of export licences, between January
and March this year ministers approved the sale to China of military
aero-engines, military communciations equipment and 'technology to build combat
aircraft'. It also sold Beijing gun mountings and components for military
vehicles, and 'components for nuclear reactors'.
The EU embargo prohibits countries from selling 'whole' weapons such as missile
and aircraft, although it does allow the sale of parts.
Other countries whose human rights records concern the Foreign Office, but which
still receive arms exports from the UK, include Colombia, Saudi Arabia and
Russia, where more than £40m of military equipment was exported last year. On
Russia, the Foreign Office report stated: 'Human rights defenders continue to be
gravely concerned by actions taken by authorities... The North Caucasus...
remains one of Europe's most serious human rights issues.' Yet last year
ministers authorised export licences to Russia worth £10m. These included
military cargo and utility vehicles, sniper rifles, gun silencers, shotguns, and
components for military aircraft navigation equipment.
The analysis of military exports was carried out by Saferworld, the human rights
campaign group. Claire Hickson, Saferworld's head of communications, said: 'This
once again highlights the incoherence of UK policy which could result in British
military equipment being used to commit human rights abuses abroad.'
At the launch of the Human Rights Report, Beckett said: 'This report would set
down what we were doing to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms around
the world. And it would be something by which the public, the NGO community and
the media could hold us as a government to account.'
But Saferworld responded: 'The UK government does little to check what happens
to arms exports once they leave the country. There is little way of knowing
whether the arms find their way to other users, such as criminal gangs, pariah
states, terrorists, paramilitaries or warlords or other rebel forces. A number
of these states have reputations as conduits of arms to other irresponsible
parties.'
A spokesman for the Foreign Office said that all military exports were
rigorously scrutinised on a 'case by case basis' and the British government
needs to be reassured that such sales would not be used for internal repression
or external aggression.
The Human Rights Report was first published in 1998 by former Foreign Secretary
Robin Cook, who wanted to promote human rights overseas in line with the new
Labour government's 'ethical foreign policy'.
Human rights concerns fail to staunch flow of UK arms, O,
15.10.2006,
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1922775,00.html
Revisiting Sgt. York and a Time When Heroes Stood Tall
June 18, 2006 The New York Times By CRAIG S. SMITH
CHÂTEL-CHÉHÉRY, France — On Oct. 8, 1918, Cpl.
Alvin Cullum York and 16 other American doughboys stumbled upon more than a
dozen German soldiers having breakfast in a boggy hollow here.
The ensuing firefight ended with the surrender of 132 Germans and won Corporal
York a promotion to sergeant, the Congressional Medal of Honor and a place in
America's pantheon of war heroes.
Now another battle is unfolding as rival researchers use global positioning
systems and computer programs, old maps and military reports to try to establish
the exact site of the fighting on that day 88 years ago. Their heated
examinations do not challenge the essential heroism of Sergeant York, yet such
scrutiny helps explain why it is hard to be a hero these days.
There are other reasons, too, of course. Wars are often unpopular clashes
fraught with moral ambiguity, and while the news media are often attracted to
heroism, they also like to challenge myth building.
The military's attempt to turn Pfc. Jessica Lynch into a hero after the invasion
of Iraq unraveled when it emerged that she had not emptied her rifle at
advancing Iraqi soldiers, as first reported. The initial accounts of Cpl. Pat
Tillman's death in Afghanistan in April 2004 came undone when it was disclosed
that the corporal, a former N.F.L. star, had been killed by members of his own
unit.
Military abuses now have a longer shelf life than acts of derring-do.
It was easier to create heroic stories in 1918 when the press was more pliable
and the public more gullible, and the popular media had a fondness for uplifting
tales of uncomplicated bravery. Though newspaper articles at the time refer to
members of Sergeant York's platoon who challenged the accounts of that day, the
doubters were given only enough attention to dismiss them.
His exploits grew until he had single-handedly silenced 35 German machine gun
nests and killed 25 enemy soldiers.
The latter-day search for the site of his heroic stand raises questions about
the long-accepted story. In particular, evidence of the sprawl of German
military positions that day does not mesh easily with the geographic
concentration described in Sergeant York's published diary.
According to his account, he was in a group of 17 men who sneaked behind enemy
lines to attack German machine gunners who were holding up a larger American
advance. They surprised a group of soldiers, who surrendered, but almost
immediately came under fire from machine gunners on a ridge 30 yards away.
Six of the Americans were killed and three others were wounded, leaving then
Corporal York the officer in charge. He is credited with overcoming the superior
force by using his sharpshooting skills, honed during turkey shoots and squirrel
hunts in the Tennessee woods.
"Every time I seed a German I jes teched him off," his published diary reads.
This version holds that the senior German officer in charge eventually offered
to order his men to surrender if Corporal York would stop shooting. Within weeks
the young Tennessean was being feted as a war hero, and by the time he returned
to a New York City ticker-tape parade the next May, he had been anointed the
Great War's bravest patriot.
But even he seemed bemused by the mythmaking that surrounded him, and he shunned
the lucrative limelight after the war for the obscurity of his old Tennessee
home.
His heroism might have been forgotten outside the state had Hollywood not
revived the story in the 1941 film "Sergeant York." Gary Cooper won an Oscar for
his portrayal of the hero, and the film became the highest-grossing movie of the
year as another European war was under way.
But underlying the well-shaped tale is a murkier, more complex narrative.
Sergeant York's published diary is actually a heavily embellished account
written for magazine serialization in the 1920's with help from a flamboyant
Australian soldier-poet named Tom Skeyhill, who was blinded earlier in the war.
That diary contradicts itself on several points, and the homey, mountain
vernacular in which it is written is almost certainly an invention of Mr.
Skeyhill, who often wrote in colorful dialects. Michael Birdwell, a historian
and the curator of Sergenat York's papers at the Alvin C. York Historic Site,
says the sergeant's family has never made the real diary available to
historians, so it is not clear what it contains.
"The question is, what is really York and what is after-the-fact addition and
what is plain fabrication?" said Mr. Birdwell, who is part of a team searching
for the exact location of the battle. "I personally dismiss much of the
document."
Nor did Sergeant York's tale go unchallenged. Although the Army took affidavits
from the surviving platoon members corroborating his account, at least one of
the men later asserted that he, too, had fired his weapon during the battle and
that it was impossible to tell who was responsible for killing the most Germans
or how many of them had died.
Two corporals, William Cutting and Bernard Early, who were both wounded, said
the Sergeant York legend had started with a reporter for The Saturday Evening
Post, George Patullo. They met him at a first aid station after the incident,
they said, and told him about the day's events.
Mr. Patullo chose to focus on Sergeant York, presumably because of the tighter,
richer narrative his story allowed. The article, titled "The Second Elder Gives
Battle" in a reference to his position in his Tennessee church, tells the story
of an uneducated backwoods Christian who reluctantly goes to war and reconciles
his religious beliefs with his sense of duty to his country.
The article made him an instant celebrity. But Corporal Cutting insisted long
after the war that the senior German officer had surrendered to him that day,
not to Sergeant York. He even threatened Warner Brothers with legal action if it
did not acknowledge his claims in the film.
At the release of the film, The Boston Globe ran an advertisement in the name of
the seven men saying that they did not recall signing the affidavits
corroborating Sergeant York's account and that none of them were "in agreement
with Warner Bros.' or Sergeant York's version of what really happened 'over
there.' "
The Germans, too, investigated the incident and found that Sergeant York could
not possibly have carried out the feat alone. They suggested that the story was
a compilation of several events that day. Almost all of those who have wrestled
with the tale, like Mr. Birdwell, agree that the claim that he silenced 35
machine guns is pure fiction.
Still, the many inconsistencies do not detract from the fact that he and his
comrades exhibited extraordinary courage that day.
Now competing groups obsessed with pinning down the truth — to the amusement of
the local French — are using modern forensics to find the spot where Sergeant
York stood.
A group of Tennessee college professors announced in March that they were "80
percent" certain that they had located the spot using metal detectors, hand-held
global positioning devices and a sophisticated computer program that overlays
historic and modern maps. But an American military intelligence officer working
for NATO insists that the professors' location is wrong and that he is close to
finding the correct spot.
"They're not even in the right valley," said the officer, Lt. Col. Douglas
Mastriano, standing in a poplar grove with a metal detector that beeps and
buzzes at buried shrapnel and cartridge casings.
Each side says its theories about where Sergeant York stood will be proved
correct if it finds spent cartridges from a Colt .45 semiautomatic pistol that
he and several witnesses said he fired at seven German soldiers who charged him
with fixed bayonets.
But each .45 cartridge casing is less than an inch long, and the pan of a metal
detector is only about a foot wide. The wooded area in which he could have been
standing covers more than a square mile and is peppered with bits of exploded
artillery and bullets, as well as spent rifle and machine gun cartridges.
In the end, it does not really matter who is right. The wooded valley where the
fighting took place, its silence broken only by intermittent birdsong, still
carries geography's sometimes powerful spell. Standing there, one can imagine
the murmur of voices, followed by shouts, the sickening rattle of machine gun
fire and, finally, the cries of falling men.
Mr. Birdwell and Colonel Mastriano have found American ammunition that may have
come from York's bolt-action Lee-Enfield Model 17 rifle. Colonel Mastriano also
found an American bullet buried in the dirt on the crest of the ridge that he
says Sergeant York was firing at.
But his rifle has disappeared, and so there is no way of verifying whether he
fired any of the rounds found. The proof, both sides say, will be finding
cartridge casings from a Colt .45 semiautomatic like the one that Sergeant York
fired — if they are to be found at all.
Revisiting Sgt. York and a Time When Heroes Stood Tall, NYT, 18.6.2006,
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/06/18/world/europe/18hero.html
Diary of North Vietnam Doctor Killed in U.S.
Attack Makes War Real
June 6, 2006 The New York Times By SETH MYDANS
HANOI, Vietnam — A lost wartime diary by a doctor
in which she tells of love, loneliness and death on the Ho Chi Minh Trail has
become a best seller in Vietnam, bringing the war alive for a new generation of
readers.
The journey of the diary itself has given it a special postwar symbolism for
people here. It was returned to the doctor's family just last year by a former
American soldier who recovered it after she died on the battlefield in 1970.
The writer, Dang Thuy Tram, was killed at the age of 27 in an American assault
after she had served in a war-zone clinic for more than three years. Among the
intertwining passions she expressed were her longing for a lost lover and her
longing to join the Communist Party.
This combination of revolutionary fervor with the vulnerabilities and
self-doubts of a too-sensitive young woman might be called ideology with a human
face, reminding readers that it was people like them, trapped in a moment of
history, who died on their behalf.
"Later, if you are ever able to live in the beautiful sunshine with the flowers
of Socialism," wrote Dr. Tram, addressing herself, "remember the sacrifices of
those who gave their blood for the common goal."
Her story stops abruptly with a cascade of blank pages in her little book,
putting an inconclusive end to her passions and hopes, a reminder that life can
be more pointlessly cruel than fiction.
Two days before she was killed, Dr. Tram wrote of her weariness and her longing
for "a mother's hand to care for me."
"Please come to me and hold my hand when I am so lonely," she wrote. "Love me
and give me strength to travel all the hard sections of the road ahead."
It is this tenderness of feeling that has drawn readers, breaking with a genre
of politically correct diaries that emphasized the heroism but not the pathos of
war.
"Just yesterday," she wrote at one point, "a badly wounded soldier 21 years old
called out my name, hoping I could help him, but I could not, and my tears fell
as I watched him die in my useless hands."
When the diary was serialized in newspapers last year, people cut out and saved
the articles, passed them among their friends and read them aloud to one
another. When it was published as a book, its print run was a sensational
300,000 or more in a country where books are generally published in small
numbers, well under one-tenth that number.
"I really admire her," said Vu Thi Lan, who works in a camera shop and said she
was 38, "the same age as her daughter if she had had one."
Ms. Lan said she had read everything she could find about Dr. Tram in newspapers
and on Web sites, and wondered whether, in the doctor's place, she could have
found the strength to endure.
"In my generation we haven't had a chance to live in that kind of situation,"
Ms. Lan said. "And it's a diary. It's real. That's what makes it interesting.
She didn't mean for people to read it. It was just to release her feelings."
Two-thirds of Vietnam's 83 million people were born after the war ended, in
1975. "So for them, the Vietnam War is ancient history," said Hue-Tam Ho Tai, a
professor of Vietnamese history at Harvard. "It's their parents' history and
it's rather dry, especially in the way it's taught."
This looser, more nuanced presentation suggests that the Communist government,
which bases much of its legitimacy on its wartime victories, "is secure enough
to feel that it's O.K. to talk about the hardship of the war as well as the
glory of it," Ms. Tai said.
At one point, speaking of lost friends, Dr. Tram wrote bitterly, "War never
cares about anyone."
The book's huge press run reflects real demand, said Peter Zinoman, a professor
of Vietnamese history at the University of California at Berkeley. But it may
also involve an effort by the government to "re-energize these old values."
He said Dr. Tram might now enter an official pantheon of wartime heroes, who
include a number of brave young women.
In addition to the book, a hospital is being built and a statue erected in her
memory at the remote site of her clinic in Quang Ngai Province in central
Vietnam.
Her grave just outside Hanoi has drawn hundreds of visitors, and special
"Following Dang Thuy Tram" tours have begun taking visitors to places mentioned
in her diary.
The visits to Hanoi of the American soldier who saved her diary, Fred
Whitehurst, have drawn wide attention and he has been welcomed almost as a
member of the family by Dr. Tram's mother, Doan Ngoc Tram, 81, and three
sisters.
In a telephone interview from North Carolina, Mr. Whitehurst, who is now a
lawyer, said he had been a military interrogator whose job included sifting
through captured documents and destroying those that were of no tactical value.
He said he had come to feel that his discovery of the diary linked him and Dr.
Tram in a shared destiny, and he now calls her "my sister and my teacher."
"We were out there at the 55-gallon drum and burning documents," he said,
describing that moment, "when over my left shoulder Nguyen Trung Hieu said,
'Don't burn this one, Fred, it already has fire in it.' "
In the evenings that followed, Mr. Hieu, his translator, read passages to him
from the small book with its brown cardboard covers and, Mr. Whitehurst said,
"Human to human, I fell in love with her."
According to Dr. Tram's account, two earlier volumes were lost in a raid by
American troops, which means the published diary begins as abruptly as it ends,
as if in mid-conversation.
Last year, after keeping it for decades at home, Mr. Whitehurst donated the
diary to the Vietnam Archives at Texas Tech University in Lubbock. Within weeks,
Dr. Tram's family was located in Hanoi through informal veterans' networks, and
last October her mother and sisters were brought to Texas to be reunited with
the diary.
"It seemed that my own daughter was in front of me," her mother said in an
interview at her home. "For me the information in the diary is not the important
thing. What is important is that when I have the diary in my hands, I feel I am
holding the soul of my daughter."
She said she was only able to read the diary in small sections because of the
power of the account. "She wrote us letters, but we never imagined that she was
suffering those dangers," the mother said.
"It's my birthday today," Dr. Tram wrote on Nov. 26, 1968, "with enemy guns
sounding from all four directions. I am used to this scene already, rucksack on
my shoulder, taking the patients to run and hide. After two years on the
battlefield, it was nothing."
Her real battlefield, though, seems to have been within herself. The diary is as
much a drama of feelings as a drama of war.
From the start, she went to the front with mismatched aims, her mother said: to
fight Americans — "bloodthirsty demons," she called them — and to follow a
childhood love, a soldier she refers to only by an initial, M.
The story of their failed reunion has disappeared with the first two volumes of
her diary. The passages that remain are filled with the pain and recriminations
of lost love.
"Where are you, M?" she wrote. "Are we really so far away from each other, my
beloved? Why do I feel that my heart is still bleeding?"
Throughout the pages, written in a tiny, neat script, Dr. Tram continued to try
to tame her restless thoughts and to force the romantic heart of a young woman
into the rigid discipline of a soldier and a Communist.
"Do you understand, Miss Stubborn Girl?" she chided herself, or, using an
affectionate family name, "Answer the question, stubborn Miss Thuy."
It is a struggle she never wins. Dr. Tram seems unable to distance herself from
her sorrows and hopes, or from the patients she treats and loves.
"Oh! Why was I born a girl so rich with dreams, love, and asking so much from
life?" she wrote.
In an entry dated February 1969, as soldiers around her prepared for battle, she
tried, once again, to push away her feelings.
"Forget all the thoughts of love burning in your heart and pay attention to your
job!" she ordered herself. "Can't you hear the sounds of the guns, signaling the
start of the Spring Offensive?"
Diary of North Vietnam Doctor Killed in U.S. Attack Makes War Real, NYT,
6.6.2006,
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/06/06/world/asia/06vietnam.html?hp&ex=1149652800&en=ebc8d009d56cae21&ei=5094&partner=homepage
Cold War relics found under Brooklyn Bridge
Tue Mar 21, 2006 6:42 PM ET Reuters By Christine Kearney
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Beneath the busy Brooklyn Bridge, city
inspectors last week uncovered artifacts of modern American history --
provisions left in a shelter harkening back to fears of nuclear attack in the
days of the Cold War.
Up two flights of rickety stairs in an arched masonry roadway support, workers
making a structural inspection found a dusty room containing evaporated water
drums, boxes of sealed blankets, shock-prevention medical supplies and an
estimated 350,000 cracker biscuits, as well as clothes and remnants of homeless
people who lived there until they were evicted when the structure was sealed in
1994.
Officials believe it may be one of many nuclear fallout shelters created around
America during the 1950s that were stockpiled with survival supplies.
"Here we have this wonderful cache of information," New York transport
commissioner Iris Weinshall said on Tuesday, standing in the dark, dank room
pointing to the sealed boxes. "This is modern American history."
Boxes of blankets were marked "For Use Only After Enemy Attack," while the
sealed biscuit tins read "Civil Defense All Purpose Survival Crackers" and were
dated October 1962 - the year the Cuban Missile Crisis occurred that brought the
world to the brink of nuclear war.
Other boxes were dated from 1957, when the Soviets launched the Sputnik
satellite. Weinshall noted both dates signified "tumultuous times in American
history."
"People were worried, they thought we were going to go to nuclear war when there
was a conflict with Russia," she said. "Today, we are worried about terrorist
attacks, we are not worried about nuclear attacks. It's a whole different
thing."
Other supplies found included a box containing tags to show people's name,
address, next of kin and type of first aid they needed.
Joseph Vaccaro, who has been conducting inspections for the city's bridge
department for 17 years, was on hand when the supplies were discovered.
"This is certainly the most historically significant thing that we have ever
found," he said.
The city said it would turn the space over to historians and the Civil Defense
museum after health officials conducted an inspection.
Cold War relics found
under Brooklyn Bridge, R, 21.3.2006,
http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=domesticNews&storyID=2006-03-21T234128Z_01_N21207522_RTRUKOC_0_US-LIFE-COLDWAR.xml
From The Times Archive > On
This Day - August 24, 1990
Westerners held after the
invasion of Kuwait were forced to make a second television appearance with
Saddam Hussein before they were eventually freed in December 1990.
TWENTY-ONE days after his
invasion of Kuwait, President Saddam Hussein last night temporarily abandoned
his bellicose posturing and tried to portray an avuncular image. In a bizarre
interview on Iraqi television, he paraded Western hostages, many of them
British. They were, he claimed, just “guests”.
“We have families. We would know how you feel. But we are trying to prevent a
war from happening. We hope that your presence as guests is not going to be for
long, because you are not hostages.”
Later, in another attempt to produce a caring image, Radio Baghdad reported he
had ordered that a British boy, aged 15, separated from his family be sent home.
The boy’s name was not clearly heard.
The radio said: “President Leader Saddam Hussein has ordered that Alex Cameron
Barnett, a 15-year-old British national, be sent back to his country after his
excellency learned that he is alone with the British families and that his
family is not with him.”
For some relatives back in Britain the television film was the first
confirmation that their families were still safe following the invasion of
Kuwait.
Dressed in a cool grey business suit, President Saddam gave a rambling interview
flanked by two soldiers and surrounded by about 20 Westerners, including two
young British boys who gave their names as Ian and Stewart.
Mrs Thatcher reacted “with repulsion”.
From The Times Archives > On This
Day - August 24, 1990, The Times, 24.8.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From The Guardian archive > July 3 1982 > The traumas left by a small war
July 3 1982 The Guardian
The presentation of the Falklands war has been carefully sanitised. Pictures
and descriptions of casualties have been discreet, and I believe rightly, for
the sake of relatives. Even now to attempt to describe some of the more horrific
sights and sounds of a war would be unkind.
But the ballooned faces of badly burned men whose clothes had been welded on to
their bodies by the flash of an explosion; the screams in the night from the
dormitories on the ships acting as refuges for the survivors: these can never be
erased from the memories of those who saw and heard them — nor should they, for
this was so often the price of victory in a bloody campaign.
'Warmongers and people who delight in death and destruction are not welcome in
this department,' said a notice taped to the door of a compartment on one of the
ships. In the Task Force, if not in the saloon bars of England, there was little
taste for glory achieved at such a cost. Even seasoned officers said they never
wanted to return to Goose Green, the insignificant hamlet where 300 men died in
a few hours. The scene after the battle was ghastly. There were rows upon rows
of corpses badly charred by the phosphorus of artillery shells.
In several places there were rifles stuck in the mud with helmets on them,
marking where men died. Days later, Argentine prisoners went round the trenches
of their fallen comrades, yanking out bodies and throwing them in a tractor
trailer. There were pigs rooting around the battlefield. I saw one pig lazily
scratching himself on the side of an unexploded 1,000lb bomb.
A mass grave on a hill overlooking Darwin, two miles from Goose Green, where the
bodies were taken for a service conducted jointly by an English and an Argentine
padre, was itself a continuing horror. As the days went by and the water began
to rise from the clay, the bodies wrapped up in drab green ponchos would start
to float. Only the sight of two black boots sticking out of the battle shrouds
gave any real clue that these pathetic bundles were once human.
At the airstrip in Goose Green there were tons of canisters of napalm. Britain
had agreed never to use it but it seems that the Argentine intention had been
different. Some senior officers were horrified by the number of canisters and
said that their use against our troops could have altered the course of the
campaign.
Even without napalm, flash-burns were the most horrifically common wound,
especially among Navy personnel.
Gareth Parry
From The Guardian archive > July 3 1982 > The traumas left by a small war, G,
republished 3.7.2007, p. 32,
http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2007/07/03/pages/ber32.shtml
From The Times Archive > On This Day -
June 18, 1980
With the Soviet Union developing more
chemical weapons, Margaret Thatcher, the Prime Minister, voiced her concerns
about Britain's lack of a chemical response
By Our Political Editor
MRS Margaret Thatcher, while carefully stating
that the Government had “no present plans” to acquire chemical warfare weapons,
emphasized to the Commons yesterday how “very worrying” she found the Soviet
possession of a “substantial” offensive capability while Britain possessed only
the means of providing soldiers with protective clothing against chemical
attack.
The Prime Minister, and more extensively Mr Francis Pym, Secretary of State for
Defence, confirmed in the first Commons exchanges on the subject, that the
Government is actively considering with the United States ways to deter the
Russians in chemical warfare.
Mrs Thatcher said that the Russians’ capability ought to be more widely known.
Mr Harold Brown, the United States Defence Secretary, suggested to Mrs Thatcher
at 10 Downing Street on June 2 that Britain and the United States ought to
consider acquiring chemical weapons. That was not a proposal as such, so the
Prime Minister yesterday was able to tell Mr Tam Dalyell, Labour MP for West
Lothian, that “no such proposal was made”.
However, short of deterring the Russians through a chemical weapons treaty ban —
for which Mr Pym said Russian objections gave no hope for early progress —
acquisition would seen to be the only remaining option.
Asked by Mr Robert Atkins, Conservative MP for Preston North, when he expected
to make a decision on offensive capability, Mr Pym repeated that he had no
plans, beyond making inquiries and studying the implications.
In telling Mr Patrick Duffy, Labour MP for Sheffield, Attercliffe, that the
Soviet Union was causing anxiety as they improved and developed their chemical
warfare techniques Mr Pym foreshadowed an eventual announcement.
From the Times
Archives > On This Day - June 18, 1980, T, 18.6.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From The Guardian archive > March 30 1971 > Calley found guilty of 22 murders
March 30 1971 The Guardian
Lieutenant
William L. Calley was last night convicted of murdering 22 people in the South
Vietnamese village of My Lai during a massacre of civilians by American
soldiers.
Calley (27) had been charged with murdering 102 people. He was charged with
killing or ordering to be killed 30 people in My Lai, killing or ordering to be
killed 70 people in a ditch, killing an elderly monk, and killing a baby.
The jury convicted Calley of premeditated murder and assault with intent to
kill. It found him guilty of one of the 30 deaths in the village, and 20 of the
70 deaths in the ditch. He was convicted of murdering the monk, and of
assaulting the baby with intent to kill.
The jury will decide the sentence later today. Calley's conviction is likely to
spark public indignation almost everywhere in the US, except, surprisingly, in
the army itself.
Liberals and conservatives, for different reasons, are united on the issue.
Conservatives say it is an outrage for an American soldier to risk his life in
combat, and then come home to be tried. Liberals believe it is wrong to single
out one man for punish ment while letting go everyone else involved in the My
Lai massacre.
Calley [is said to have] received thousands of letters of support and only about
10 attacking him. Local citizens are upset about the trial. "They ought to give
him a medal," a waitress said: "I think they're going too far." Restaurants
where Calley dines refuse to allow him to pay for his meals. If he stops for a
glass of beer, a customer usually pays for him.
But army officers seem to have hoped that the jury would find against him. Two
young captains stormed into the press room to chastise a local television
reporter. They said his stories were biased in favour of Calley, who had
admitted killing at least some civilians in My Lai.
"You're not presenting a fair picture," one said. "It's important that we know
the prosecution's side of the story. If he is let go, it will give a licence to
everyone who walks out of Officers' School to go to Vietnam and kill anyone they
feel like."
A young captain, who — like Calley — had been a platoon leader in Vietnam, said:
"If he did what they said he did, they should hang him. I crawled around on my
belly for eight months over there, and I didn't rape anyone, and I didn't shoot
them either, unless they shot at me."
Calley was
sentenced to life imprisonment but freed by a federal judge after three and a
half years' house arrest.
From The Guardian archive > March 30 1971 > Calley found guilty of 22 murders,
G, Republished 30.3.2007, p. 38,
http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2007/03/30/pages/ber38.shtml
From The Times Archive > On This
Day: March 30, 1971
Lieutenant William Calley was the
only person to be convicted in connection with the My Lai massacre. Although he
was sentenced to life imprisonment with hard labour he was free by 1974
LIEUTENANT WILLIAM CALLEY was found
guilty at a court martial today of murdering South Vietnamese civilians at My
Lai on March 16th 1968. The verdict was announced at Fort Benning, Georgia,
after the jury had spent 13 days weighing up the evidence in the four-month
trial.
The jury must now determine the sentence, which has to be either death or life
imprisonment. In deciding his guilt, the jury of six Army officers rejected the
defence that Lieutenant Calley, who is 27, was obeying orders from above — a
practice which he said had been instilled into him since he joined the Army.
There were four charges against Lieut. Calley: that he murdered at least 30
“oriental human beings” at a junction of two trails; that he killed 70 others in
a ditch; that he shot a man who approached him with hands raised begging for
mercy; and that he killed a child running from the ditch where the 70 died.
Lieut. Calley was found guilty on the first three charges, although the figures
of the dead in the first two were reduced. On the fourth he was found guilty of
assault with intent to kill the child, a lesser offence.
The hearing to determine the sentence will begin tomorrow. Three of Lieut.
Calley’s superior officers remain to be tried on charges arising from the
massacre. Two men junior to Lieut. Calley have been tried and acquitted and
charges against 19 others have been dropped.
Massacres like the one at My Lai “occur in every war — it’s not an isolated
incident even in Vietnam”. Lieutenant Calley is reported to have told an
American news agency before the verdict. “I will be extremely proud if My Lai
shows the world what war is and that the world needs to do something about
stopping wars.”
From The Times Archives > On This Day: March 30, 1971, Times,
30.3.2005, http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From the Guardian archive
> Police repel anti-war mob at US embassy
18 March 1968 Guardian
Britain's biggest anti-Vietnam war
demonstration ended in London yesterday with an estimated 300 arrests: 86 people
were treated by the St John Ambulance Brigade for injuries and 50, including 25
policemen, one with a serious spine injury, were taken to hospital. Demonstrators and police engaged in a protracted battle; throwing stones, earth,
firecrackers and smoke bombs. Plastic blood, an innovation, added a touch of
vicarious brutality.
It was only after considerable provocation that police tempers began to fray and
truncheons were used, and then only for a short time. The demonstrators seemed
determined to stay until they had provoked a violent response of some sort from
the police. The intention became paramount once they entered Trafalgar Square.
Peter Jackson, Labour MP for High Peak, said that he would put down a question
in the Commons today about "unnecessary violence by police". Members of the
Monday Club handed in letters expressing support to the US and South Vietnamese
embassies.
More than 1,000 police were waiting Grosvenor Square. They gathered in front of
the embassy while diagonal lines stood shoulder to shoulder to cordon off the
corners of the square closest to the building.
About 2,000 spectators gathered, among them a few hundred Conservatives and
Monday Club supporters who shouted "Bomb, bomb the Vietcong" and "Treason", when
anarchists leading the procession marched past.
When the demonstrators had broken through on to the lawn of the US embassy, they
started to tear up the plastic fence inside the hedge. Mounted police jumped
over the shattered fence and drove back some of the milling crowd for a minute
or two from the south corner of the lawn.
One [policeman] had his hat knocked off and was struck continuously on the back
of his head with a stick as he clung, head down, to his horse's neck. Another
officer, his nose already cut, had his hat knocked flying and his reins seized
before his companions could rescue him.
For about 10 minutes, the men were pinned against the fence under a barrage of
insults, sticks and mud.
None of the speakers - Vanessa Redgrave was among their number - who addressed
an estimated 10,000 demonstrators in Trafalgar Square specifically urged the
marchers to be peaceful; but there was no incitement to misbehave.
Police repel
anti-war mob at US embassy, G, 18.3.1968, Republished Saturday March 18, 2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1733819,00.html
From The Times Archive > On This
Day - April 29, 1967
Muhammad
Ali refused to join the US Army for military service in Vietnam and was
sentenced to five years’ imprisonment. The sentence was later overturned, but
Ali was stripped of his title and banned from fighting for more than three years
CASSIUS MARCELLUS CLAY, the world
heavyweight champion who prefers to be known by his Black Muslim name of
Muhammad Ali, today refused to be inducted into the United States Army. He
declined to take the traditional step forward when called upon to take the oath
by the commanding officer at the induction centre in Houston, Texas, even though
he was addressed first as “Muhammad Ali” and then as “Cassius Clay”.
Clay now faces the possibility of a prison sentence of five years and a fine of
up to $10,000, the penalties the Government can invoke against him as a “draft
dodger”. However, if his lawyers contest the case through the courts, the
proceedings might last for two years.
In New York, the state athletic commission announced that Clay would be stripped
of his world title if he went to prison, as he would not then be able to defend
his title. An elimination tournament would be held to find a successor. The
World Boxing Association and other controlling groups may be expected to take
similar action.
Later Clay issued a four-page statement saying: “It is in the light of my
consciousness as a Muslim minister and my personal convictions that I take my
stand in rejecting to be inducted into the armed services.
From The Times Archive > On This Day - April 29, 1967,
29.4.2005, http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From the Guardian archive > August 1, 1963 > The toboggan ride to
Hiroshima
Thursday August 1, 1963 Guardian Alistair Cooke
The decision to drop the Hiroshima bomb was made by President Truman against the
advice of General George Marshall, the chief American military leader of the
Second World War, and in ignorance of a petition directed to the President by
seven atomic scientists working in the secret laboratories of the bomb project
in Chicago.
This is the nub of a moral and strategical controversy that raged behind closed
doors [in] 1944-45, and which has until now been locked in the files.
"Look" magazine publishes the findings of two of its correspondents. Final
clearance of the piece published today was granted by the State Department.
Certain conclusions appear to be inevitable. The overriding aim of President
Truman and his closest advisers including General Marshall, was to attain the
conquest of Japan with the fewest possible losses of American manpower.
The estimate of American losses in the first month of an invasion of Japan was
put between 31,000 and 42,000. Mr Truman and Mr Stimson strengthened in each
other the conviction that the bomb should be used, without warning, on a large
metropolitan area as a direct military weapon.
The moral question had been canvassed among all the participants. The President,
it seems, was never seriously faced with the choice of using the bomb on Japan
or deliberately withholding it. All the advice he received led him to accept the
decisions of an interim committee of Government and scientific advisers he set
up.
It reported on June 6, 1945 that the bomb was "to be used as soon as possible on
a dual target, that is, a military installation or War plant surrounded by or
adjacent to homes", and "without prior warning".
Bush and Conant [two committee members] argued, evidently without success, that
immediately after the first successful trial, the facts should be published and
Japan be put on notice.
On this question of "prior warning" General Marshall disagreed. "Every effort,"
he said, "should be made to keep our record of warning clear. We must offset by
such warning methods the opprobrium."
It now appears that [the scientists' petition] was never shown to Mr Truman. As
for the moral torment that some historians have seen Mr Truman enduring and
conquering, General Groves has a laconic comment. The President, he says, acted
all along on the assumptions he was fed that the bomb would be used when ready.
"He was," said the General, "like a little boy on a toboggan."
From the Guardian archive > August 1, 1963 > The toboggan ride to
Hiroshima, G, Republished 1.8.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1834548,00.html
From The Times Archive >
On This Day - April 19, 1960
A crowd of more than 60,000,
including Michael Foot, arrived at Trafalgar Square to protest against the
atomic bomb
THE biggest demonstration seen for a
long time took place in Trafalgar Square yesterday afternoon at the end of the
Aldermaston to London “ban-the-bomb” march.
The crowd at one time appeared to number not fewer than 60,000 in the square and
surrounding area, and the organisers put it nearer 100,000. In the square itself
there was a crowd of between 30,000 and 40,000 at one time.
The square was already looking full at 3 o’clock when the first of the marchers
arrived from Whitehall, and it took the column, which was said to have grown to
40,000 on its way through London, nearly two hours to come into the welcoming
crowds. The organisation of the demonstration was highly efficient. In spite of
the throng of people everything appeared to run smoothly and there were no
noticeable disturbances.
Canon L.J.Collins introduced a number of speakers, including the Bishop of
Southwark, Dr Mervyn Stockwood, who said that Canon Collins, although he might
be looked upon as the “bad boy” of the Church of England at the moment, would go
down in history as one of the true priests of the Church at this time.
“I realise that many members of my Church take the opposite view, and although I
believe them to be wrong I do not question the sincerity of their views.”
Mr Michael Foot was given an ovation by the crowd after his speech. The march he
said was a mighty upsurge of democratic protest against the “military
dictatorship” into which the politicians had allowed our destinies to slip.
After the rally, a party of people left Trafalgar Square on the first stage of a
march to Paris.
From The Times Archive > On This Day - April 19, 1960, Times,
19.4.2005, http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From The Times Archive > On
This Day - July 12, 1957
The RAF retired the last three of
its 20,351 Spitfires from service
APART from the very occasional
“benefit” performance, which brings all the best old-timers out of their
retirement for a brief spell, the three remaining Spitfires in the Royal Air
Force today made a “positively last appearance”.
They were flown to Biggin Hill to join Fighter Command’s only Hurricane aircraft
at this Battle of Britain station. Air Marshall Sir Thomas Pike was present to
welcome these famous aircraft, which, he said, would be maintained in airworthy
condition to take part in the annual Battle of Britain fly-past and other
ceremonial occasions.
The Spitfires have been making daily high-altitude weather observation flights
for the Meteorological Office. The first Spitfires were delivered to No 19
Squadron at Duxford, Cambridge, in September, 1938; the last operational
machines left No 81 Squadron at Seletar, Singapore, in 1954. This record of
front-line service was unequalled by any other Allied fighter aircraft. During
the war Spitfires flew about 935,000 sorties.
The fighter descended from a long line of racing seaplanes designed by the late
R. J. Mitchell. The prototype Spitfire first flew on March 5, 1936, and early
types had a speed of 362 miles an hour. By the end of the war a top speed of
452mph had been achieved.
Today, Group Captain J. Rankin and Wing Commander P. Thompson piloted two of the
Spitfires; the leading aircraft was flown by Group Captain J. E. (“Jonnie”)
Johnson, the RAF’s top-scoring fighter pilot of the war, credited with the
destruction of 38 enemy aircraft.
From The Times Archives > On This Day - July 12, 1957, The Times,
12.7.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From The Times Archive > On This Day -
June 20, 1953
Robert and Michael Rosenberg were orphaned
by the execution of their parents and no relatives dared to adopt them. Abel
Meeropol, who wrote the anti-lynching anthem Strange Fruit, took them in
JULIUS and Ethel Rosenberg, convicted more
than two years ago for conspiring to transmit atomic secrets to a foreign power
(Russia), were put to death shortly after 7 o’clock in the electric chair in
Sing Sing prison. Neither made any statements before dying.
The Supreme Court reversed the stay of execution granted to the Rosenbergs on
Wednesday by Justice Douglas. Soon after the court had announced its decision,
President Eisenhower indicated that he would not use his right of executive
clemency.
In a formal statement he expressed his conviction “that the only conclusion to
be drawn from the history of the case is that the Rosenbergs have received the
benefit of every safeguard which American justice can provide.
“Accordingly, only the most extraordinary circumstances would warrant executive
intervention in the case. I am not unmindful of the fact that the case has
aroused grave concern both here and abroad. In this connexion I can only say by
immeasurably increasing the chances of an atomic war the Rosenbergs may have
condemned to death tens of millions of innocent people all over the world.
“The execution of two human beings is a grave matter. But even graver is the
thought of millions of dead whose deaths may be directly attributable to what
these spies have done. I will not intervene in this matter.”
From
The Times Archives > On This Day - June 20, 1953, Times, 20.6.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From The Times Archive >
On This Day - April 23, 1952
This atomic bomb blast was
reckoned to be larger than any of its predecessors. A group of Idaho residents
is currently fighting for US Government compensation for cancers they believe
were caused by toxic clouds carried on the wind from the Nevada Desert
AN ATOMIC bomb explosion more
violent than those at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and perhaps even bigger than the
heaviest of those at Bikini in 1946, was set off today in the Nevada desert,
with 1,500 troops watching it from foxholes, in what Press reports said were
“astonishingly close” positions.
Farther away than the soldiers were great numbers of press reporters and
photographers, some members of Congress, and other persons invited by the Atomic
Energy Commission to watch the test. All over the country, about 35 million more
persons, it is estimated, saw the spectacle on television.
The bomb was dropped from an aircraft at a height of 30,000ft. The flash of the
explosion, even in brilliant sunshine, was seen in Las Vegas, 75 miles away, and
seven minutes afterwards the rumbling of it was heard there.
A reporter at the Press position, which was apparently about ten miles from the
point where the bomb fell, said his neck was twisted by the shock of the
explosion about a minute after the flash occurred and that heat from the blast
singed observers’ faces there.
The explosion formed the familiar big mushroom of changing colours and its dust
column was a mile in diameter. Within a few minutes an ice cap covered the top
of the main ball-shaped cloud, which was mostly white, with orange and yellow
tinges.
Before the explosion, the Atomic Energy Commission said that troops observing it
would be in foxholes 4.5 feet deep and from three to five miles away.
Previously, the closest troops had been was seven miles. Close under the
explosion there would be 24 pigs and 1,600 mice in cages and pens.
In the area also, ahead of the troops would be seven tanks, more than 20 machine
guns and mortars, some heavy artillery pieces, and several light aircraft.
On This Day - April 23, 1952, The Times, 23.4.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From The Times Archive > On This
Day - August 9, 1945
An estimated 140,000 people died
when an American B29 dropped on Hiroshima the first nuclear bomb used on a
civilian population
Official reconnaissance photographs
of Hiroshima show clearly that four and one-tenth square miles of the city, or a
total area of almost seven square miles, were completely destroyed by one atomic
bomb, and heavy additional damage is shown outside the completely destroyed
area. “Destroyed” is the word officially, but it appears “obliterated” might be
a better word.
Cold figures, however, scarcely give it a sufficient idea of what took place.
For a more graphic picture one must turn to Japanese broadcasts, which are now
beginning to admit the terrible results of this attack. The Japanese state that
most of Hiroshima no longer exists, and blasted corpses “too numerous to count”
litter the ruined city. “The impact of the bomb was so terrific,” say the
Japanese, “that practically all living things, human and animal, were literally
seared to death by the tremendous heat and pressure engendered by the blast.”
Buildings were crushed or wiped out. Unofficial American sources on Guam
estimate that Japanese dead and wounded in Hiroshima may exceed 100,000.
Tokyo wireless speaks of the “indescribable destructive power” of the bomb,
which crushed big buildings as well as small dwellings. The inhabitants of the
city were killed by blast, fire and crumbling buildings, and most bodies are so
badly battered that men cannot be distinguished from women.
The official report of the raid from Guam states that a large part of Hiroshima
simply dissolved into a vast cloud of dust when the bomb exploded.
From The Times Archives > On This Day - August 9, 1945, The
Times, 9.8.2005, http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From the Guardian archive > June 29, 1945 > Hitler's deadly secret weapons
come to light
Friday June 29, 1945 Guardian
The more that is learnt of German preparations and progress with new weapons,
the more apparent it is that the Allies ended the war with Germany only just in
time.
The dangers faced, above all by Britain, were many and terrible.
Radio and optical equipment. A fabulous ray was to deal with tanks. This proved
to be only infra-red searchlights to blind tanks and was used in conjunction
with the 88mm gun. It was more humdrum than the fable. But it was deadly against
tanks moving at night, as ours did.
Guns. There were unpleasant novelties, such as the rocket-assisted shells. At a
certain point in the shell's progress, the rocket took over and provided further
propulsion. There was at least a scheme in the pre-development stage to provide
the V2 rocket with wings, which had great possibilities.
Chemical warfare. The Germans had a new gas in great quantity with certain
qualities more deadly than any yet used. It could have been mastered, but would
have given trouble and caused much loss, especially as anti-gas discipline in
England was naturally not as good as at the outset of the war. It is known that
Hitler was the man who prevented its use, not through altruism but because he
did not believe it would pay.
The Germans were experimenting with a piloted VI flying-bomb with a retarded
take-off and an obvious increase of accuracy. They had also made considerable
progress with controlled projectiles directed either from an aircraft to a
ground target or to aircraft.
Naval construction. There was a torpedo with a range of 80 miles and an acoustic
head which "listened" to its target. There were controlled torpedoes that would
follow a zigzag course with deadly possibilities.
There was a jet-propelled submarine going into production with an underwater
speed of 25 knots. These were made possible by a new fuel.
The inventions mentioned were in all stages, from pre-development to full
production. When it is realised that full preparation was made by the Germans to
carry out all essential production in underground factories impervious to
bombing, the full extent of the peril becomes apparent.
It is not too much to say that the Germans were in the act of switching from one
kind of war to another and that many developments of the kind I have enumerated
would have been as deadly as those already disclosed in, for example, the VI and
V2.
Allied bombing had delayed the switchover and would have hampered development,
especially by attacks on communications, but could not have stopped it.
From the Guardian archive > June 29, 1945 > Hitler's deadly
secret weapons come to light, G, Republished 29.6.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1808269,00.html
From the Times Archive > On This
Day - May 9, 1945
The Prime Minister, Winston
Churchill, announced: "This is your victory" as the war against Germany came to
an end
ONE of the most moving and
remarkable scenes of yesterday’s national rejoicing was that which took place
just before 6 o’clock in the evening when Mr Churchill spoke from a balcony in
Whitehall to a great crowd, whose self-disciplined orderliness and gaiety were
typical of the proud, unconquerable spirit of London through the dark and
perilous days now left behind. This was London’s own joyous meeting with the
nation’s war leader and with other ministers who have worked at his side through
five exacting years. Mr Churchill spoke to this assembled multitude of citizens
only a few sentences, but they were deeply expressive. “This,” he said to them,
“is your victory!”
The Prime Minister made his historic broadcast from the Cabinet Room at 10,
Downing Street, where he and his colleagues have grappled with so many grim
problems during the war. When he finished he left in an open car for the House
of Commons. The crowd which had already gathered in Whitehall and Parliament
Street surged past the police round the Prime Minister’s car, and it was only
with difficulty that an escort of mounted policemen made way for him through the
enthusiastic throng. Mr Churchill stood up in his car to acknowledge the
greetings of the crowd, and he was heartily cheered.
From the Times Archives > On This Day - May 9, 1945, Times,
9.5.2005, http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From the Guardian Archive >
April 18, 1945 > A Nazi camp and its history
Wednesday April 18, 1945 Guardian
Records kept by the SS Oberführer in
charge show the deaths at the Buchenwald concentration camp near Weimar numbered
6,477 in January, 5,614 in February, 5,479 in March, and 915 in April. The April
toll was only up to the 10th of the month. The next day the American Third Army
overran the area and brought release to the 21,000 inmates at this resort of
starvation, torture, hangings and shootings.
Mostly the inmates were pitiful
wrecks. At one time up to 80,000 people from a score of nations were here made
to work long hours on the production of bombs.
When the sound of gunfire from the approaching Americans was heard, thousands of
the inmates were marched off by 600 SS Guards to an unknown destination. Then
the camp underground acted, overpowered the remaining guards, locked them up in
small cells, and ran the camp themselves till the Americans arrived.
There were mass exterminations of 12,500 Jews in May and June, 1938. After the
Nazi occupation of Austria a great influx of political prisoners and Jews took
place.
With the outbreak of war several thousand Vienna and Polish Jews were
slaughtered. One hundred and four Polish snipers taken prisoner were left
foodless until they died. After the Munich beer-cellar bomb incident in 1939, 21
Jews were shot at random and the remainder forbidden food for five days.
In July, 1941, two truckloads of prisoners taken to Pirna died under poison-gas
experiments. In March, 1942, four truckloads of 90 Jews each were taken to
Bernburg experimental laboratory and died there.
In October, 1941, about 7,000 Russian prisoners of war were shot in the stables
at Buchenwald, the usual scene of the shootings. According to prisoners, the
outstanding place of extermination was Auschwitz, near Cracow, where they said
4,000,000 Jewish, Polish and Russian men, women, and children were liquidated.
Buchenwald evidence repeatedly writes off hundreds as transported to Auschwitz.
Some 60,000 to 75,000 opponents of Hitlerism have perished at Buchenwald. Here,
over these acres of suffering and misery enclosed by electrically charged
fencing, is the stark gruesome reality of Fascism, with cells, a crematorium -
in the ovens of which still lay charred skeletons and piles of ashes - a
gallows, an experimental laboratory and a cellar store in which normally 500
bodies awaited transfer to the busy crematorium.
Hangings were carried out in a cellar from which an electric lift carried the
bodies to the incinerators above.
From the Guardian Archive > A Nazi camp and its history, G,
Wednesday April 18, 1945, Republished 18.4.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1755561,00.html
From the archive > September 8,
1944 > Bombs damage 149 schools, 98 hospitals
Friday September 8, 1944 Guardian Air Correspondent
The reports below were the first
permitted after V1 flying bomb launch sites in France fell to allied troops.
Relief was premature, and the date unluckily chosen. The same day, the first of
the deadlier V2 rockets hit a house in Staveley Road, Chiswick
In addition to the great numbers of
homes destroyed and damaged during the raids up to the end of August, damage had
been reported to 149 schools, 112 public-houses, 111 churches and 98 hospitals.
Following is a list of casualties in some of the major "incidents" which for
security reasons have not previously been disclosed: London County Council
evacuation hostel at Westerham, Kent: 8 adults, 22 children killed. Tottenham
Court Road: 20 killed. Surface shelter, St Pancras, 24 killed. Surface shelter,
Hayes, Middlesex: 23 killed. Shop centre, Camberwell: 23 killed, 39 injured.
Clapham Junction: direct hit on bus, damage to shops: 24 killed, 25 seriously
hurt. Willesden: shops, houses, school and rest centre damaged: 20 killed,25
seriously hurt. Trench shelter at Barking: 15 killed, 13 seriously hurt.
Melbourne House, Aldwych: 25 killed. Houses and a trolley bus at Leyton: 34
killed, 24 injured. Works at Barnet: 21 killed, 190 seriously hurt.
More than a hundred bombs
On one southern English borough have fallen more than a hundred flying bombs.
Thousands of its houses have been damaged and a morning salutation among
neighbours is often a raising of the eyebrows and nodding of the head as if to
say "Rough again."
Numbers of women and children have gone away, but there are women enough to form
fish queues in the battered High Street, which the wardens call "battlefield"
because it has had a bomb at every corner, and enough children to occupy the day
nurseries.
The brilliant success of the fighter squadrons of the air defence of Great
Britain in combating the V1 is a striking example of how British pilots are
capable of developing novel tactics to meet new problems and special conditions
in air combat. At the outset the small size of the flying bomb and its high
speed at low altitudes made the weapon a target by no means easy to locate
visually and destroy. But within an extremely short time pilots grasped the
peculiar situation arising from the new offensive, devised various methods of
attack and then tested them.
The fact that 1,900 VIs were accounted for by fighters operating in all
weathers, and at night as well as day, showed clearly that they had got the
menace well under control.
From the archive > September 8, 1944 > Bombs damage 149 schools,
98 hospitals, G, Republished 8.9.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1867484,00.html
From The Guardian archive > June 9 1944 > Attack began on
D-Day minus one
From David Woodward, 'Manchester Guardian' War Correspondent
(Mr. Woodhead was one of the three British war correspondents who were landed in
France from the air. He went by glider with a parachute unit. He was wounded,
but not seriously, and is now in England.)
Somewhere in England. A British parachute unit formed part of the Allied
airborne force which was the spearhead of the Second Front. It was landed behind
German lines, seized vital positions, and then linked up with Allied forces
which had landed on the beaches. I watched the unit go to war at dusk on D-1
(the day before D-Day), parading with everybody, from its brigadier downwards,
in blackened faces. 'We are history,' said the colonel.
By the time the glider on board which I was had landed it was very nearly
daylight, and the dawn sky was shot with brilliant yellows, reds, and greens
from explosions caused by the huge forces of Allied bombers.
The inhabitants of little French villages awoke to find themselves free again.
German prisoners proved a very mixed bag. The generally poor quality of these
troops was not unexpected, and it was realised that behind them lay some of the
best units of the German Army.
Our men were continually harried by snipers. Later German tanks and Panzer
Grenadiers began their attack. Paratroops are considered light-weights for this
kind of work, but these men stood up to the Germans. When the fighting was at
its most critical a large force of gliders carrying reinforcements flew right in
and landed their cargoes.
These gliders turned the tide, and next morning it was an easy matter for us to
drive in a captured car to the beachhead formed by troops from the sea. The
countryside looked empty, but it still looked like posters advertising summer
holidays in Normandy. Scattered over the ground were the black shapes of our
gliders, most of which had been damaged in their landings.
The pilots of the gliders which had done so well the day before were embarking
in an infantry landing-craft for England to get more gliders to bring over.
Having become a casualty, I travelled with them across the Channel, which in
places seemed literally crowded with ships [in] the swept channels through the
minefields.
The glider pilots landed this morning at one of the ports used to receive men
during the evacuation from Dunkirk. One of the glider lieutenants told me he had
been brought there at that time. 'The people cheered us then,' he said, 'and now
they just watch us go by. Do you suppose the English ever cheer their
victories?'
From The Guardian
archive > June 9 1944 > Attack began on D-Day minus one, G, republished
9.6.2007, p. 36,
http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2007/06/09/pages/ber36.shtml
From the Guardian Archive >
April 21, 1944 > Skyscapes of bombers and wild geese
Friday April 21, 1944 Guardian NM Roberts
The bombers come over as I am going home at dusk, flying high and lonely, the
lights at their wing-tips glowing richly like the red and green jujubes we used
to suck as children.
Standing back against the wall to watch them, the day still heavy upon me, I am
teased by the memory of another time when I have stood like this. It comes back
as one cruciform shape follows another against the cool, dimly blue evening. The
wild geese driving in a great wedge across the sky, their exulting clangour and
rhythmic, proud wings, the cold of the wind-scoured marsh aching in one's
finger-tips, and a boy's half-broken voice beside one saying: "They look like
aircraft flying in formation, don't they?"
For us on the coast the wild geese, every year, brought in the winter. The iron
weather, in our minds, began with the October morning or twilight when the first
trumpeting battalions passed over the town, just as spring was confirmed by the
chiffchaff. Now it is the Lancasters that remind one of the wildfowl and one's
spring song is the throb of their engines.
How can spring be both this and that other, one asks, and logic has no answer.
Once "the drunkenness of things being various" [from Louis MacNeice's poem Snow]
brought exhilaration; now there is only weariness and bewilderment.
One cannot find the synthesis that will make an orderly whole of the Juggernaut
tanks roaring along the bypass and the horses reeking and straining ahead of the
jangling plough chains, of the women who protest in print at the sending of
vitamins and powdered milk to Occupied Countries while their own children are
growing up without knowing the taste of milk chocolate.
The irreconcilables are crowded on one another - the striking apprentices: the
pilots and their pin-up girls in their smart bars, impossibly young and heroic;
the distorting mirrors of propaganda, the justice and felicity of a Mozart
quartet on the radio; the narcissi and almond blossom massed before the Easter
altar, and the VD advertisements in the press. The April sunshine is ironic and
impartial on them all: there is no synthesis, no formula for integration, only
panic edging closer.
Still the Lancasters, the iron geese who bring winter in our spring, are passing
overhead, ascending into hell through a huge, serene sky, pricked with the first
stars, faint and sparse. One will not hear them coming back: the droning will be
no more than a menacing pedal in the troubled fantasia of dream whose cadences
are never resolved, a ground bass to the melody of this, our sweet season.
From the Guardian Archive > April 21, 1944 > Skyscapes of bombers
and wild geese, G, Republished 21.4.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1758316,00.html
From the Guardian archive > June
1, 1940 > The miracle of rescue from Dunkirk
Saturday June 1, 1940 Guardian EA Montague
In the grey chill of dawn today in a south-eastern port, war correspondents
watched with incredulous joy the happening of a miracle. By every canon of military science the BEF has been doomed for the last four or
five days. Completely out-numbered, out-gunned, out-planed, all but surrounded,
it had seemed certain to be cut off from its last channel of escape. Yet for
several hours this morning we saw ship after ship come into harbour and
discharge thousands of British soldiers safe and sound on British soil. As the
sun was turning the grey clouds to burnished copper, the first destroyer of the
day slid swiftly into the harbour, its silhouette bristling with the heads of
the men packed shoulder to shoulder on its decks.
One watched them with a pride that became almost pain. They had passed through
nights and days of hunger, weariness and fear, but nearly every man still had
his rifle and a clip of ammunition: nearly all had brought their full kit with
them - and what an agony its weight must have been. They were still soldiers and
still in good heart. They were of all units and ranks. Some were in the position
of the gunners whose battery had been shelled out of existence near Oudenarde,
because our overworked fighter planes had had no time to deal with the German
reconnaissance planes.
Their battery commander had told them to do the best they could for themselves,
and they had walked 30 miles to Dunkirk. It is a stretch of level sand backed by
dunes. The sea in front of it is shallow for some way out, so that ships cannot
come close in. Many of the men have spent up to four days on this beach, hiding
in hollows scratched in the sand, from the German planes which have scourged
them with bomb and machine-gun.
Every now and then, among the men who climb the gangplank into England, one sees
stretcher-bearers carrying a still form, its face bloodless and remote. Yet
[others] survive in their thousands and are able to joke and sing.
In no time the ship is ready to return to Dunkirk. But before it is ready,
another has drawn up alongside. British ships and French and Dutch, warships,
drifters, trawlers, yachts, barges, they bring their loads across the hostile
Channel and then go back undaunted into the inferno.
All the selfless courage of two nations is being thrown into the resistance at
Dunkirk, and it looks as if it will not be spent in vain.
· Evelyn Montague, eldest son of the Guardian leader writer CE Montague,
died in 1948 of tuberculosis contracted during his years as war correspondent
From the Guardian archive > June 1, 1940 > The miracle of rescue
from Dunkirk, G, Republished 1.6.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1787239,00.html
From the Guardian archive > May
29, 1940 > Our army in France has been cut off
Wednesday May 29, 1940 Guardian EA Montague
The latest news of the BEF [British Expeditionary Force] in France is grave.
It had always been obvious, even
before the defection of the Belgian king, that the British force was running
risks of encirclement in its heroic efforts to keep the Somme-Arras gap as
narrow as possible.
It now seems likely that we shall pay heavily in British lives for King
Leopold's action. We have to face the fact that the possibility of withdrawing
the BEF from its present position is small. It is now virtually surrounded, and
the abandonment by the Belgians of their position on its eastern flank has left
Dunkirk, its port of evacuation, in grave danger of falling to the Germans.
The situation is now so clear that nothing that we say today can be of the
slightest value to the enemy. One is free to tell in outline the story of 18
heroic days.
Some of us have been nauseated by rumours in England that our soldiers had in
some way failed. They did not fail in any way. No troops in the world ever
fought better. Fierce fighting took place, and little ground was lost. But
German pressure on the French forces farther to the south increased, and so did
that fatal gap which had now been created between the French armies on our right
and their main body. In consequence we had to carry out another withdrawal.
In the meantime, German armoured and motorised divisions had streamed through
the gap and were already threatening Arras. In an endeavour to close it a
British force moved down to the Arras area and counter-attacked successfully.
The Germans were so vastly more numerous, however, that our success was only a
local one.
The BEF was now faced with the problem of manning a extending front in order to
protect its lifeline to the sea. The fact that it quickly formed the necessary
defensive line is yet another proof of the heroic efficiency which both
commander and troops have shown throughout this epic fortnight.
Small British motorised and light armoured detachments kept pace with the
encirclement and resisted every attempt at penetration of our lines.
Up to this morning the BEF was facing the enemy on the French frontier from near
Ypres to the River Scarpe. Thence it supported the part of two French armies
roughly as far as Douai, and from there a thin but resolute line continued the
ellipse into which the British force had been driven to west of Dunkirk.
The early collapse of the Belgian advanced positions enabled the Germans to push
on fast and to attack the lines held by the British.
From the Guardian archive > May 29, 1940 > Our army in France has
been cut off, G, Republished 29.5.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1785166,00.html
From The Guardian archive > May 14 1940 > Blood, tears, and
doing without a maid
May 14 1940 The Guardian
[The Manchester Guardian which reported Churchill's "I have
nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat" speech carried an article
which dealt with another pressing matter.]
People of modest means can effect a substantial economy during
the war by doing without a maid. Her services will then be available for more
essential work, and the employer can be sure of saving anything from one to two
pounds a week.
Apart from food and wages the cost of many household items can be lessened. The
careful and intelligent housewife will be able to halve her bills for soaps,
powders, and cleaning materials. Light and fuel bills will be less and there
will be fewer leakages. Careful planning will, however, be necessary if the
housewife does not wish to be too tired and harassed to keep up outside
interests.
In most houses the two most constant tasks are preparation of meals and keeping
down the dust. The best way to keep the house spick and span is never to let
dust accumulate anywhere, and for this a thorough turn-out of every room and
passage is necessary once a week and a quick daily dusting. Employ a daily woman
to come in, say, on two mornings a week for the turning-out. Then an hour a day
should be enough to keep any small house immaculate.
Meals are a more difficult problem. Food must be provided, or health suffers.
Soup, for instance, can be taken off the menu during the summer. Make plenty of
use of all casserole dishes. If glass ovenware is used it should be soaked for
an hour in very hot soda-water.
Potatoes should be baked or boiled in their skins. Eaten with salt and margarine
or dripping they are not only more nutritious but more appetising, besides
saving much time. Avoid puddings which necessitate the making of breadcrumbs,
chopping ingredients, creaming, beating, and tying up of basins. Reduce the
number of cooked meals as far as possible. One hot meal a day is ample for
anybody except in very cold weather. This saves time in preparation, washing up
and fuel, and is healthier as it enables more fresh food in the form of salads
to be taken.
Grown-up members of the family should make their own beds, keep their rooms
tidy, and clean their own shoes. Older children can also help in these tasks,
but, apart from putting away their toys and being reasonably tidy, children
should not be expected to spend much time on housework. Their free play-time is
psychologically important, especially in these days, and should not be unduly
curtailed.
From The Guardian
archive > May 14 1940 > Blood, tears, and doing without a maid, G, republished
14.5.2007, p. 30,
http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2007/05/14/pages/ber30.shtml
From The Guardian archive > May 8 1940 > Lessons of Norway
May 8 1940 The Guardian
[In popular histories of the war, this debate was dominated by
one phrase, "in the name of God go", which destroyed Neville Chamberlain. That
was not how the Manchester Guardian or the Times reported the occasion.]
As far as the debate has gone it has changed nothing in the
Parliamentary situation. That is, superficially.
And yet there was a difference. Today's Prime Minister was not the Chamberlain
of a few weeks ago whom one heard telling the Tory Central Council that Hitler
had missed the bus. But one can still hear those cheers from the embattled "Yes
Men" .
Mr Chamberlain's apologia for the Norwegian failure can be studied elsewhere.
Here one turns to his "general observations" which shed a good deal of light on
himself and his Government. The lessons are those which the Opposition parties
have been trying to teach him for months, so the Labour and Liberal benches
rocked with cheers at his discoveries.
One lesson was that we had not realised the imminence of the threat. There the
Opposition cheered for a full minute. The Leader of the Opposition [Mr Attlee]
saw Norway as only one more failure in the uninterrupted story of Ministerial
failures. Yet he was full of confidence about our winning the war, though he
said bluntly it would only be done by putting different men at the helm.
Drama touched the debate once, when Admiral Sir Roger Keyes alleged in effect
that Trondheim had been lost through faint hearts in Whitehall. He rose in his
uniform of an admiral of the fleet, as he explained, because he had come to
Westminster to speak for men in the fighting Navy who were very unhappy.
Sir Roger admonished [Mr Churchill] to steel himself for vigorous action,
because he possesses the confidence of the War Cabinet, the country and the
Navy. He ended by reminding Mr Churchill of Nelson's saying that bold est
measures are always the safest. So far this had been quite the most disturbing
speech in the debate.
Sir Roger's speech will probably tell for more against the Government than Mr
Amery's, which followed, but Mr Amery's speech was a sustained and harsh
denunciation of the Government for its timidity and ineffectiveness, full of
power, and concluding with the savage application to the Government of
Cromwell's words to the Long Parliament: "You have sat too long here for any
good you have been doing. Depart, I say. Let us have done with you. In the name
of God, go."
Mr Amery's philippic was delivered as usual to half-empty benches on his own
side, but there was a goodly muster of the Opposition to hear him.
From The Guardian
archive > May 8 1940 > Lessons of Norway, G, republished 8.5.2007, p. 28,
http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2007/05/08/pages/ber28.shtml
From the Guardian archive > May
8, 1940 > Preparations for slaughter on the Maginot Line
Wednesday May 8, 1940 Guardian Evelyn Montague
Yesterday I tried to describe the
queer, confused night fighting which goes on nowadays round our outposts in
front of the Maginot Line. It seems all the queerer in its setting of country
almost unspoilt by war.
The woods are in the full glory of
the new leaf, except where it has been stripped away in places by bursts of
shrapnel. The fields, across which the attackers move stealthily at night, are
seen by day to be brilliant with cowslips and dandelions, and in "no-man's-land"
there are apple trees in blossom in the orchards of deserted villages.
Behind the front line, the countryside shows even fewer signs of war. The local
villagers were evacuated long ago, and British soldiers in rest and off duty
wander, through streets unharmed but deserted.
One of my colleagues was walking through such a village the other day when he
heard the sound of organ music coming from the church. He went in and found two
British privates taking turns at the organ, one blowing while the other played
for 10 minutes, strictly timed.
They were transport drivers from Northumberland, off duty for an hour or two and
busy satisfying the good North Country craving for music. In another deserted
church, British and French soldiers have attended together services conducted by
a priest in the uniform of a French private.
There are plenty of French troops about, since our force in the Maginot Line is
an integral part of a larger French formation. Such posts, held by mixed troops
of both countries under a single command, are used on each of our flanks to weld
up smoothly and firmly to the French forces on either side and to avoid leaving
a weak spot.
I do not know whether we have yet used in these combined posts the British unit
which appears to be more suitable than any other - the Hampshire Regiment, which
draws heavily on the Channel Islands and has plenty of French names.
In the peaceful country farther back there are discreet preparations for the
slaughter which has not yet happened. The first British military cemetery of
this war - our earliest casualties, in December, were buried in a neighbouring
French civilian cemetery - has six brown wooden crosses. A hundred yards or so
away is the first German cemetery in the Allied area, with seven crosses in it.
Only one of the crosses on the German graves has a name on it, the other six
dead men could not be identified.
The Germans do not give away many points in the game of war.
From the Guardian archive > May 8, 1940 > Preparations for
slaughter on the Maginot Line, G, Republished 8.5.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1770013,00.html
From the Guardian archive > March 15 1938 > Britain replies to
the Austrian anschluss
While Herr Hitler was making a conqueror's progress through
the streets of the Austrian capital yesterday afternoon, Mr. Chamberlain in the
House of Commons was announcing that Germany's actions would force Britain to
take still further defence measures.
The Premier's words were: "I am confident that we shall be supported in asking
that no one, whatever his preconceived notions may be, shall regard himself as
being excluded from any extension of the national effort which may be called
for.
"In regard to our defence programmes, we have always made it clear that they
were flexible and they would have to be reviewed from time to time in the light
of any new development in the international situation. It would be idle to
pretend that the recent events do not constitute a change of the kind we had in
mind."
Mr. Chamberlain brushed aside the official German pretences that "forcible
pressure" was not exerted by the Reich. Mr. Chamberlain declared that the
methods adopted by Germany throughout these events "call for the severest
condemnation," and must prejudice the Government's hope of promoting
international co-operation.
The Premier's reference to the "national effort" was not a hint of the
possibility of military or industrial conscription. Mr. R. A. Butler, in making
this clear in his speech closing the debate, also indicated that it was in the
Air Force programme that expansion or acceleration may be contemplated.
The Premier, it was further explained, was referring to "certain inconveniences
and perhaps sacrifices," which employers and work people would no doubt be asked
to accept in the national interest if the Government decided upon these
measures.
The Prime Minister's announcement about defence follows only a week after he had
informed the country that the figure of £1,500,000,000 contemplated for the
defence estimates would have to be substantially increased.
Mr. Chamberlain recounted in his speech the German assurances to
Czecho-Slovakia, but said nothing of the British position.
Yesterday, France gave Czecho-Slovakia a solemn pledge that she is determined to
honour her agreement in the event of attack. The pledge was given by M Blum, the
Premier, and M Paul-Boncour, the Foreign Minister, to the Czecho-Slovak Minister
in Paris, and the French Ambassador in London was instructed to inform the
British Government of this determination.
From the Guardian
archive > March 15 1938 > Britain replies to the Austrian anschluss, G,
Republished 15.3.2007, p. 40,
http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2007/03/15/pages/ber40.shtml
From the Guardian archive > May
19, 1935 > The death of Lawrence of Arabia
Strategist of the Desert Dies in
Military Hospital
Lord Allenby's tribute - "Valued
comrade"
Sunday May 19, 1935 Guardian
We regret to announce the death of
Mr. T. E. Shaw ("Lawrence of Arabia"), which occurred shortly after eight
o'clock yesterday morning in Wool Military Hospital, Bovington Camp, Dorset. Mr.
Shaw, who until recently was an aircraftman in the Royal Air Force, was injured
in a motor-cycling accident on Monday night and did not recover consciousness.
Tragic as it is that such a
remarkable career should have been ended by a simple road accident, an official
statement issued yesterday shows that if his fight for life had succeeded it
would still have been a tragedy, for Mr. Shaw's brain was irreparably damaged.
Mr. Shaw was 46 years of age.
After a post-mortem examination by Mr. H.W.B. Cairns, the London specialist, the
following statement was issued: -
"The post-mortem examination conducted by Mr. Cairns showed such severe
lacerations and damage to the brain that in the event of his recovery he would
have only regained partial use of his speech and eyesight. In view of the
immense activity and energy of Mr. Shaw it is felt that this may be some
consolation to those who had entertained anxious hopes of his recovery."
Another statement issued was: "The funeral of Mr. T. E. Shaw, formerly Colonel
Lawrence, will take place at Moreton Church, Dorset, at 2.30pm on Tuesday. The
service will be a simple one and no mourning and no flowers are requested. Apart
from those specially invited the service will be confined to his particular
friends and those who were associated with him in Arabia.
It is understood that there will be no military escort.
When it was realised that the crisis had been reached, Sir E. Farquhar Buzzard,
physician-in-ordinary to the King, Mr H.W.B. Cairns, the brain specialist of the
London Hospital, and Dr. Hope Gosse, the London lung specialist, were called to
the hospital.
Last night's broadcasts
Tributes to "Lawrence of Arabia" were broadcast from London last night by Field
Marshal Lord Allenby and Sir Herbert Baker. Lord Allenby said that in
Aircraftman Shaw he had lost a good friend and a valued comrade.
After recalling that they were closely associated in the campaign which opened
in 1917-18 in Palestine and Syria, Lord Allenby said: "His co-operation was
marked by the utmost loyalty and I never had anything but praise for his work,
which, indeed, was invaluable throughout the campaign. He was the mainspring of
the Arab movement and knew their language, their manners and their mentality. He
shared with the Arabs their hardships and dangers. Among these desert raiders
there was none who would not have willingly died for his chief. In fact not a
few lost their lives in devotion to him and in defence of his person.
"He was a shy and retiring scholar, archaeologist, and philosopher swept by the
tide of war in to a position undreamt of. He had a genius for leadership. Above
all men he had no regard for ambition, but did his duty as he saw it."
Lord Allenby added: "He has left to us who knew and admired him a beloved memory
and to all his countrymen an example of a life well spent in service."
Sir Herbert Baker was unable to be at the microphone and his tribute was read
for him. He first met Colonel Lawrence in Oxford shortly after the war and was
fascinated by him. "He seemed to radiate a magnetic influence," said Sir
Herbert. "When he last stayed with me about a month ago he pleased us by eating
two human meals a day and expressing an ardour to do some great national work."
Other tributes - Mr Winston
Churchill:
In Colonel Lawrence we have lost one of the greatest beings of our time. I had
the honour of his friendship. I knew him well. I hoped to see him quit his
retirement and take a commanding part in facing the dangers which now threaten
this country. No such blow has befallen the Empire for many years as his
untimely death. The personal sorrow which all he knew him will feel is deepened
by the national impoverishment.
From the Guardian archive > May 19, 1935 - the death of Lawrence
of Arabia, G, Republished 19.5.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,959165,00.html
From the Guardian archive >
October 21, 1918 > Our prisoners are being overworked
Monday October 21, 1918 Guardian
The following are extracts from
letters written by British prisoners of war in Germany.
These letters are censored in
Germany, but sometimes through carelessness, the complaints are not deleted, and
sometimes passages marked by examiners as undesirable are left in or only partly
deleted. In this way we learn what these men are suffering. One writes: "I am
working in chemico-manure works near Stettin. It is heavy work, loading up sacks
of manure in railway trucks and unloading barges of ironstone. We work ten hours
a day, barring Sundays. We get half a pound of bread and three bowls of soup a
day. There is no stay in the food for a man to work on ... I never felt so weak
before."
Another letter runs: "We have been working here three months. It is what they
call a surface mine or an open mine; the hours are too long ... The Germans told
us it was a reprisal, as our people were keeping German prisoners in our
trenches."
Most of the letters complain of the long hours. One man states that he is
working in a coal pit for twelve hours a day, and for this he is receiving the
sum of five shillings a week.
Another writes: "I came to work at six this morning, and won't finish till six
tomorrow morning. I tell you it's no joke." And another writes: "I still manage
to put a letter together, such as it is. Yes, work, and it's all work, only 14
hours per day, not long when you say it quick."
The worst cases are in the mines. Here is a sample: "The bosses in the mines are
all-powerful, and frequently order men who are prisoners of war to work two
shifts, which means 16 hours underground, or 19 hours' absence from their living
quarters, and that on four small slices of brown bread, unless they take some
with them out of their pockets; also they are abused without the slightest
provocation.
"There are 24 young English lads who arrived here last week, and who, ignorant
of the language and mining alike, have been beaten with sticks. Slapping the
face with the hand is a common occurrence, and you have to consider the name
'swine' a term of endearment. In my own case, I have been very savagely attacked
on two occasions by under-bosses, because I resented this face-slapping and
being ordered to work two shifts without reason, and I have ample evidence in
the shape of big scars on my head made by a pit lamp."
These are the things that have escaped the German censor. What of those that he
has blotted out?
From the Guardian archive > October 21, 1918 > Our prisoners are
being overworked, G? Republished 21.10.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1927991,00.html
From The Guardian archive > June
12, 1917 > Shaw objects to hard labour for pacifists
Tuesday June 12, 1917 Guardian
Sir, - The announcement that a
sentence of two years' hard labour has been passed upon Mr. Clifford Al1en
raises the question whether the press and public, in accepting the news without
protest or comment, are acting advisedly. Imprisonment with hard labour is the
most severe form of incarceration practised in England. A sentence of two years
is regarded as reaching the limit of endurance. When terms of imprisonment
exceeding two years are called for the prisoner is sent to penal servitude. The
difference is that a prisoner at the end of two years' hard labour is in a state
of exhaustion which could not be prolonged without endangering his life, whereas
penal servitude has to be so ordered that men can endure ten or even twenty
years of it without physical collapse. It must therefore be clearly understood
that a prisoner can be killed by sentencing him to hard labour for a continuing
offence.Thus Mr. Clifford Allen, having already served a severe term of hard
labour, is virtually under sentence of death. Is It the intention of the
Government? If so, there is nothing more to be said. It may be so, for it is a
matter of daily experience that many people think that such a death is too good
for a conscientious objector, and do not hesitate to say as much. But are these
vicarious zealots in the majority? Why are the scruples and personal rights of
the objectors treated with pedantic respect when they operate to the
disadvantage of the objector, and overridden by force when they have the
contrary effect? Mr. Stephen Hobhouse refuses to submit to medical examination.
Why was he not examined by force? Objectors refusing to put on uniform have been
forcibly clad. Women refusing their dinners have been forcibly fed. Your columns
have just reported the case of an invalid recruit who was stripped naked and
prevented from sitting near the fire. He is now dead. Yet when Mr. Hobhouse
objects, his wishes and his person are regarded as sacred, and the authorities,
deploring his obstinacy, consign him to hard labour for life. Anyhow, here are
two gentlemen in a fair way to be killed because the public has no knowledge and
the authorities no sense. If we wish to kill them, cannot we shoot them out of
hand and have done with it, Dublin fashion? Yours, &c., G. BERNARD SHAW
[Allen, later the pacifist socialist
peer Lord Allen of Hurtwood, developed spinal tuberculosisis and was released
after 16 months. Hobhouse, nephew of the Guardian leader writer LT Hobhouse, was
chairman of the Quaker committee for helping enemy aliens. He too was freed
early because of ill health .]
From The Guardian archive > June 12, 1917 > Shaw objects to hard
labour for pacifists, G, Republished 12.6.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1795748,00.html
From the Guardian archive >
September 6, 1916 > How the Zeppelin was
destroyed
Wednesday September 6, 1916 Guardian
The military authorities announced
yesterday that the destruction of the Zeppelin that came down early on Sunday
morning at Cuffley, a few miles north of London, was mainly due to an army
airman, Lieutenant William Leefe Robinson, Worcestershire Regiment and Royal
Flying Corps.
The king has awarded Lieutenant
Robinson the Victoria Cross. To the official announcement of this in last
night's "Gazette" is added the following note:- "For most conspicuous bravery.
He attacked an enemy airship under circumstances of great difficulty and danger,
and sent it crashing to the ground as a flaming wreck. He had been in the air
for more than two hours, and had previously attacked another airship during his
flight."
Viscount French, Commander in Chief, Home Forces, in a statement says, "The
airship ... passed through heavy and accurate gunfire, but it is established
beyond doubt that the main factor in its destruction was an aeroplane of the
R.F.C., which attacked with the utmost gallantry and judgment and brought it
down."
Several other army aviators were on the track of or engaging the Zeppelin, and
one of these who witnessed the end from a height of 10,000ft. describes how
Lieutenant Robinson, anticipating the raider's movements, was able to dash in on
the airship as the latter rose to about 12,000ft.
A flying officer, at the inquest on the German crew on Monday, expressed the
opinion that the airship was not crippled by gunfire before the aviator's
attack, but in other quarters this claim was made for the anti-aircraft guns.
An officer of the Royal Flying Corps who took part in the pursuit of the
destroyed Zeppelin told a press representative that two other aeroplanes were
endeavouring to engage the air ship, which was making frantic efforts to get
away, firing with its machine guns, first diving and then ascending.
An east coast correspondent says Lieutenant Robinson was one of several British
aviators who pursued a Zeppelin several months ago, but had the misfortune to
meet with engine trouble. After cursing his luck he registered a vow that he
would bring down a Zeppelin or die in the attempt.
Lord French stated yesterday:- "An important part of one of the enemy's airships
which raided England on September 2-3 has been picked up in the eastern
counties. There is no doubt that the ship suffered severe damage from gunfire."
It was reported on Monday that part of a Zeppelin gondola, with a great length
of wire and a telephone installation, had been picked up in a village on the
East Anglian coast.
From the Guardian archive > September 6, 1916 > How the Zeppelin
was destroyed, G, Republished 6.9.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1865541,00.html
From the Times Archive > On This
Day - July 15, 1916
The Battle of the Somme has
become synonymous with the horrors of trench warfare. In the midst of suffering,
however, there were humorous interludes.
A SECOND lieutenant in a Yorkshire
battalion tells a story of a German dug-out and its occupants. The dug-out was
in the first line of trenches taken by the officer’s platoon. The men then went
forward to the next trench, and the officer, being hit, had to stay behind. The
rest of the story may be told in his own words: - “After a bit I wriggled back
to that Boche front line into a shallow sap. I was resting there when I saw a
Boche officer come climbing out of that big dug-out we’d put the six bombs in.
He was peering first one way and then the other, like a burglar. “Oh, you
beauty!” I thought. A second later he was dead. I charged my breech again, and
no sooner done than my next target pops up – a lieutenant. I aimed for his
shoulder blades, but the old gun kicked a bit, and I got him through the head.
Then a private came up, with never a weapon of any sort in his hands, and the
fear of God in his face. ‘You’re a Boche,’ I thought; ‘and you ought to be shot:
but you’ve got nothing in your hands.’ “Here!” I shouted at him.
We went along a passage, turned to the left into a regular boudoir. Dug-out! Why
there was Turkey carpet on the floor, and beautiful tapestry curtains to the
bunks. There were three cases of beer. There were about a hundred eggs; two cut
hams; boxes of cigars; one case of champagne; cakes; and chocolates. I got the
batman to help me back to daylight. There wasn’t a living soul in the trench, so
I got the batman to take me pick-a-back while I stuck to my rifle.”
From the Times Archives > On This Day - July 15, 1916, The
Times, 15.7.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
From the Times Archive > On This
Day - March 31, 1913
The threat posed by the Zeppelin
proved to be exaggerated.
Although there were bombing raids in the early years
of the First World War,
the damage was limited, casualties light and the
Zeppelin’s vulnerability to attack was soon exposed
WE NOW know the best and the worst
of the Government policy concerning aerial warfare, and are in a position to
realise the full effects of the neglect of the King’s Ministers in this branch
of defence.
We are aided in this unpleasant task by the news which we publish from Berlin
today showing that the Germans propose to allocate nearly four millions more to
their aerial fleet, bringing up the total sum available to for this purpose to
between six and seven millions sterling.
It is the Government as a whole on whom the responsibility rests for their
inability to understand the importance of this new branch of warfare, and for
their failure to take the measures necessary for our security.
It was obvious to every looker-on that when M. Blériot crossed the Channel a new
chapter was opened in the military history of the British Isles, and it was
obvious many years ago that the Germans had built dirigibles which were bound to
exercise a most important influence upon warfare by sea and land.
At present Germany possesses a fleet of useful dirigibles, to be formed into two
squadrons, each of five airships, while we possess not a single airship. The
Zeppelins now travel 56 miles an hour, have a good armament, and a range of
1,200 to 1,500 miles. Germany has also built, or is building, eight dirigible
stations. The stations on the Rhine are some 250 miles from Chatham, which can
be reached in five hours, given favourable weather.
Does Mr Churchill or Colonel Seely seriously think that the Germans are so
obtuse that they cannot realize the advantages gained by their audacity and
perseverance?
From the Times Archives > In This Day - March 31, 1913, Times, 31.3.2005,
http://www.newsint-archive.co.uk/pages/main.asp
April 27, 1903
Lord Milner: the Boers got
their facts right
From the Guardian archive
Monday April 27, 1903 Guardian
Like so many other official
documents on South African affairs, Lord Milner's new despatches are belated
admissions of unpleasant truths that independent observers have long insisted on
in the face of official indifference.
The public were sceptical as to the
extent of the devastation of the conquered countries. It was thought that some
six hundred farms had been burnt and then the mischief had stopped. Great was
the outcry when the Boer Generals in appealing for funds declared that the whole
land was laid waste.
But now what is Lord Milner's account? "We began working," he writes, "with the
country absolutely denuded of everything."
Lord Milner has a turn for rhetoric and he states the case a little more
strongly than a sober and literal-minded Boer would do. A Boer would have
mentioned prosaically that there were only a few thousand cattle left, or that
many towns were wholly and many partially destroyed.
However, Lord Milner is merely admitting at length what the Boer leaders
contended eight months ago. The country when the war ceased was laid waste from
end to end. He passes on at once to a further admission. One of the complaints
from the Boer side about the administration of relief turned on the condition of
the animals supplied to them instead of a money grant out of the three millions.
It was said that the animals taken over from the military were in a miserable
plight, and that many died before work could be got out of them. That was
thought by many to be a slander, but what, again, does Lord Milner say? "The
large number of animals which we took over from the military were for the most
part in wretched condition.
"Hundreds of them died before they had done any work at all; many thousands were
useless for several months, and were only gradually resuscitated by the greatest
care and at considerable expense."
A further complaint came from those who had surrendered during the war under
promise of British protection and who nevertheless had their property destroyed
later on - sometimes by the British themselves.
We note such admissions in no spirit of controversy, but because we in England
have frequently had the argument from common sense checked by the argument from
authority. When common sense and knowledge of affairs seemed to show that events
were turning out one way, we were told that they were turning in precisely the
opposite way. Milner was British high commissioner in South Africa before the
Boer war
From the Guardian archive > Lord Milner: the Boers got their
facts right - April 27, 1903, G, Republished 27.4.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1762319,00.html
September 26, 1901
The war diary of a Boer family
From the Guardian archive
Thursday September 26, 1901 Guardian
The following extracts from a diary,
of the authenticity of which we have obtained sufficient assurance, illustrate
one aspect of the process of "clearing" tracts of the country occupied by the
enemy.
Amsterdam, New Scotland, February 14
1901. This morning, about eight o'clock, the cavalry of the enemy entered the
town, the infantry following.
Every garden and tree was stripped of everything. All the livestock was taken.
General Campbell arrived; he was very abrupt. He said they, the English, had
come to give us food and protection.
Mother replied that we were quite satisfied with the food and protection our own
people afforded us. Then he said we were to be ready to leave the following day
at 10 a.m.
Feb. 15. Worse than ever. The Provost Marshal, Capt. Daniels entered the house
and began searching. They took what they wanted - soap, candles, mealies & c.
even to white sewing cotton. When mother came in, Capt. Daniels turned to her
and said, 'Those devils of Boers have been sniping at us again, and your two
sons among them, I suppose. If I catch them, they will hang.'
Feb. 17. At dawn Capt. Ballantyne said we would be allowed a quarter of an hour
to load, and only to take the most necessary things. Beds, clothing, mattresses,
chairs, chests & c., odds and ends of all kinds were burnt. Foodstuffs were also
taken. At 9 p.m. we out-spanned in a hard rain. It was pitiful to hear the
children crying all night in the wet waggons for water and food.
March 5. Annie very sick. Must be the food, as we have only meat, and mealies
when we can pick them.
March 6. Annie very ill all day. A driving misty rain. Oxen with lung sickness
are made to pull until they fall down in the yoke to die.
April 19 [in captivity at Volksrust]. Message that Major Watt, Assistant
District Commissioner, wanted to see [Mother] at once. Mother, Annie and Polly
Coltzer went with the policeman. Major Watt was in a dreadful rage.
'You are Mrs. Cameron?' 'Yes.' 'You are a most dangerous woman, you have been
speaking against the British Government. You are an English woman.' 'All my
sympathies are with the Boers.' 'Make a note of that. All the concessions we
intended making you will be withdrawn. You will not be allowed to receive any
parcels.'
April 25. We received the following: 'I beg to inform you that you are to
proceed to Maritzburg tomorrow by the 11p.m. train. A waggon shall convey your
luggage to the station.'
B. R. Cameron,Prisoner of War, May 31 1901. Green Point, Pietermaritzburg,
Natal.
From the Guardian archive > September 26, 1901 > The war diary of
a Boer family, G, Republished 26.9.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1881168,00.html
November 17, 1899
Boers wreck a train. Churchill is missing
From the Guardian archive
Friday November 17, 1899 Guardian
On Wednesday an armoured train was
derailed near Chieveley and attacked. The escort was composed of half a company
of Dublin Fusiliers, and another half company of Durban Light Infantry, 120 of
whom are missing. Mr. Winston Churchill is among the missing. The armoured train
consisted of, in the front, a flat truck with a seven-pounder gun, manned by a
petty officer and five bluejackets from Her Majesty's ship Tartar. It contained
100 men in all. The train was despatched for the purpose of reconnoitring the
Boer positions near Colenso and to ascertain the truth of reports that railway
track had been destroyed.
The troops were entrained and left
Estcourt at six o'clock in the morning. The train ran forward to Chieveley,
where a body of the enemy was seen. The enemy opened a cannonade at a range of
about 2,000 yards. The Boers also had tilted a rail.
Instantly two of the trucks were overturned and the third was derailed. Many of
our men were injured. Mr. Winston Churchill bravely summoned the train hands and
volunteers, detached the locomotive, ran back to the front trucks, and then,
pushing and pulling, drove through the wreckage.
The infantry opened a rifle fire on the Boers, who were advancing on the west
side of the line, and held them in check. [Mr. Churchill] set to work heroically
with the engine hands and cleared the debris, and put many of our wounded men
upon the locomotive and tender, which, though shelled, got back at ten in the
morning. Mr. Churchill remained at Frere to assist the other soldiers.
Meanwhile our bluejackets fired their seven-pounder, the petty officer bravely
laying and serving the weapon against the cannonade. He sent three shells
bursting among the enemy, who numbered some 500.
The Boers poured shot and shellfire into the crippled train... A shell struck
and hurled [the seven-pounder] away, overturning the truck. The only newspaper
correspondent present was Mr. Winston Churchill, who distinguished himself by
his courageous conduct, as did also Wagner, the driver, and Stuart, the stoker
of the engine.
The troops, who had maintained a hopeless fight with great courage, were
overpowered. A few managed to escape, but the majority were either killed or
wounded or taken prisoners. Mr. Churchill was last seen advancing with a rifle
among the Dublin Fusiliers. He is believed to have surrendered himself to cover
the retreat.
· Within a year of his highly publicised capture and escape, Churchill
became a Conservative MP at the age of 26
From the Guardian archive > November 17, 1899 > Boers wreck a
train. Churchill is missing, G, Republished 17.11.2006,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/fromthearchive/story/0,,1950384,00.html
"If they ask for it,
we know how to make some really big parking lots in this world"
- Tom Clancy in We were told that life would change for ever, I,
p. 4, 11.9.2003.
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